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Ben Greenberg

Writer and photographer

Online communications director at Physicians for Human Rights by day.

Freelance journalist by the seat of my pants.

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  • March 01, 09:50 AM

    Edgar Ray Killen Says God Will Get You (If You Helped Put Him Away)

    [I'm honored to have collaborated with Jerry Mitchell on this article appearing on page 1 of today's Jackson Clarion-Ledger. —BG]

    Killen claims God is on his side

    Lawsuit filed last week alleges civil rights violations

    Jerry Mitchell and Ben Greenberg
    The Clarion-Ledger
    March 1, 2010

    Convicted Klan leader Edgar Ray Killen says there wasn’t enough legal evidence to imprison him for the 1964 killings of three civil rights workers and that God is going to get whoever helped put him away.

    Those written remarks are among the most recent public stirrings from Killen, who also filed a lawsuit Wednesday against the FBI, alleging his civil rights were violated.

    “Almighty God … is listening and is recording your acts, thoughts and deeds. One by one you will give account to him,” Killen wrote in a six-page letter obtained by The Clarion-Ledger from a Klansman. His lawyer confirmed the letter is indeed Killen’s.

    District Attorney Mark Duncan, who along with Attorney General Jim Hood prosecuted Killen, responded, “I don’t have any trouble standing before God with my role in it.”

    In 2005, a Neshoba County jury convicted Killen, now 85, on three counts of manslaughter for his role in the Klan’s June 21, 1964, killings of James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, commonly known as the Mississippi Burning case.

    The FBI is now reexamining the killings. Four suspects are still alive in the case.

    In his letter, Killen lambasted prosecutors and Circuit Judge Marcus Gordon, who sentenced Killen to the maximum 60 years in prison. Killen, a former Union sawmill operator and part-time preacher, is serving his time in the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in Rankin County.

    Killen blamed the press and the people of Neshoba County. “You had all the news media that helped indict me for murder on three counts, which you had no legal evidence,” he wrote. “All your grand jury heard was slick tongue talk from a couple of politicians.”

    Sally Beam, one of those grand jurors, said that’s not correct.

    All the evidence led back to Killen, she said. “We were not out to get him, but he was the one every order went out from. The fact he’s still trying to blame somebody else just tells me his heart is still not in the right place.

    “He’s still trying to cover up what needs to be exposed. If I were Edgar Ray Killen, I’d be thinking about my maker and where I’m going to be when I die. He’s a preacher. He knows about heaven and hell.”

    Killen says mobster Gregory Scarpa Sr., pistol whipped “testimony” from from Clayton Lewis, a defense attorney in the 1967 federal conspiracy trial of suspects in the civil rights workers’ slayings..

    The nearly 40,000 pages of FBI files in the Mississippi Burning case obtained by The Clarion-Ledger do not appear to mention Scarpa or list his informant number. Some other FBI records refer to Scarpa being brought in to help crack the Klan’s 1966 killing of Vernon Dahmer.

    Killen said the FBI paid Scarpa $30,000 in reward money — an allegation FBI agents have disputed.

    Retired FBI agent Jay Cochran said the reward money was delivered to Mississippi Highway Patrolman Maynard King, who told the FBI where the bodies were buried. Cochran said King was passing the $30,000 on to the person who informed King.

    Philip Dray, co-author of We Are Not Afraid: The Story of Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney, and the Civil Rights Campaign for Mississippi, said he’s not surprised Killen invoked God’s name since the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi often did that.

    Killen said God knows what he did and that he is at peace with God, but Dray noted Killen never actually said he was innocent. “Convicted Klansmen have a special problem with justice,” he said. “Their ‘crimes’ were, in their minds, righteous. They were aimed at specific targets — meddlesome Yankees.”

    In Killen’s mind, he said, “It will always be 1865.”

    In the letter, Killen says he read many hidden Justice Department files. “I only read those of interest, as I was not hired and I was not a pimp, but I had security clearance, so I read and obtained straight evidence,” he says. “I am not putting some names in this letter as some are still living and believe it or not I am not a betrayer of anyone, especially my friends.”

    Exactly who he refuses to betray he didn’t say.

    Larry Ellis, a former inmate who has been interviewed by the FBI, said some of what the letter says mirrors much of what Killen told him behind bars.

    Ellis told the FBI that Killen said he had access to these files because of his relationship with then-U.S. Sen. Jim Eastland and “did jobs” for Eastland around the country.

    Killen said in his letter he had traveled to “most major cities in America.”

    On those trips, he said he bragged about his hometown, his home county and his home state. Now, he said, he wants to retrace those steps and apologize.

    The Clarion-Ledger obtained the letter from Cole Thornton, Imperial Wizard of the United Northern and Southern Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, who attended Killen’s 2005 trial. Thornton said Killen authorized him to release the letter and shared a note that expert Thomas Vastrick of Memphis identified as Killen’s handwriting.

    Thornton, whose real name is Charles Denton, said he wants to see “the scoundrels who railroaded this fine man pay up for their deceit.”

    In his lawsuit in which he seeks millions of dollars, Killen is demanding all of the federal files in the case.

    Hood responded that his office has given Killen’s lawyer “every document we have in our files. The federal prosecutors assured me that they gave us all of the documents in the possession of the federal government.”

    Killen remains filled with venom, Hood said. “Hate will eat up a person’s soul. As with all criminals I have had to prosecute, I still hold out hope that their souls will be redeemed.”

    Killen has repeatedly referred to the three victims as communists — something the victims’ families say isn’t true.

    Ben Chaney, whose brother James was among the victims, said after reading Killen’s letter, “I sort of feel bad for Mr. Killen because he’s losing. The fact is he refuses to look at reality.”

    Killen needs to come clean, he said. “God knows what he did, and he knows he did something contrary to what God wants. The truth will set him free.”

    Documents

    Download the letter we obtained from Edgar Ray Killen (PDF)

  • February 28, 10:16 PM

    Only in Hawaii: Tsunami 2010

    By Marsha Joyner

    Isn’t technology wonderful! You can see our TV 6,000 miles away.  And Facebook brings everyone within a keystroke.

    Just before the late evening news in Hawaii, my husband Kenneth said, “a tremendous 8.8-magnitude earthquake struck Chile.”

    “That’s awful,” I responded and went to bed thinking no more of it.

    Until 5:20am my cell phone rang and rang and rang—“Oh damn, nobody calls this time of morning unless it is bad news.” By the time I was fully aware the landline rang. “Yes Scott, no Scott—thank you Scott” Kenneth said and promptly turned on the TV. We have a Tsunami warning because of the earthquake in Chile.”

    “Oh dear, I must get Kaspar’s (the cat) carrying case . . . do we have enough fresh water. . .I hate canned foods. . . etc,” I began the emergency check list in my head. Knowing full well that we have everything. Living next to the water demands a level of preparedness that most people do not have to deal with.

    HoneyGirl (the dog) was breathing heavy next to the bed and Kaspar (the cat) was standing on my chest daring me to open my eyes. What a way to awake from a dream. Or am I still dreaming? No, this is real!

    The TV news was showing lines at the gas stations and it was still dark. Local residents were scrambling to stock up on water, gas and food as sirens pierced the early morning quiet across the islands ahead of the tsunami. Some stations had enough gas, but other stations reportedly ran out. At supermarkets, residents stocked up on essentials like rice, water and toilet paper in anticipation of the high waters. The TV repeatedly ran the picture of a sign at a store limiting families to two cases of Spam. A must in every local menu.

    My first of many calls was to Marilyn, my daughter, to warn her… “Damn!” The sleepy voice on the other end of the phone said. “Mom what a wake up call. Thanks Mom, I’ll get my young’ens together. Aaron is at the airport leaving for a class trip to America and Ashley has to go to class today.” They live at the top of a step hill in Maile, a very safe place to ride out a Tsunami. The home has an unobstructed view of the ocean. It’s about 50 miles from me as the crow flies. But then we have no crows. And I really don’t know how crows fly.

    Speaking of birds. There was not the usual morning lyrical rhythms of the birds. Except for the TV news, there was not a sound to be heard. Peering through the darkness, the water was flat and the trees were still. The first rays of the sun were creeping up over Haunauma Bay. This was looking more and more like the twilight zone.

    Just at 6:01 am, sirens pierced the silences across Hawaii as promised leading up to the first tsunami arrival at 11:32 am on Saturday—the water began to move in a most unusual way. No waves—just energy. A tsunami advisory was announced shortly after a 7.0-magnitude earthquake struck Japan’s Ryukyu Islands. Like some action movie, I was sure the earth was going to break into pieces.

    Civil Defense issued repeated commands. Everyone was told to check the phone book maps to see if you lived in a flood prone area. I did not need the phone book—just look out the window. Yes, we live in an inundation zone. Therefore we had to evacuate. That meant moving to higher ground. The City busses were sent to get everyone evacuated. Even the homeless living on the beaches in tents were taken care of. No one was left behind.

    “Happy Tsunami Day” one friend chirped on the phone. In true local fashion—friends and family alike called to offers us love and an elevated place to stay. One friend called to warn another friend and another friend and still another. It was a marvelous relay.

    Huddled with all of the high muka muka’s at the Civil Defense headquarters deep in the recesses of Diamond Head Crater, the Managing Director of the City & County of Honolulu, Kirk Caldwell, acting Mayor, while Mayor Mufi was in Washington, DeCeit, said all of the major Streets and Roads to beaches and other low-lying areas were to be closed by 10am. Seaside hotels moved guests to higher ground. Therefore evacuation must be complete by that time. “Urgent action should be taken to protect lives and property” the warning center said, “All shores are at risk no matter which direction they face. Do not go into the ocean—there will be no one to help you if you get into trouble.” The warnings were repeated all morning long.

    HoneyGirl, the gentlest, quiet dog in the whole world was unusually restless and making noises. Kaspar was moving from window to doors watching for something outside. My friend Cindy said the animals were just crazy at her place. I took my cue from them and got serious about making plans to leave. We had stayed behind for two previous hurricanes because we could not take the pets with us. Since Katrina, the world watched with horror as pets were left; the rules about shelters have changed.

    Everyone followed the directions of the Governor, the County Mayors, Civil Defense, Fire & Police. Just a little after 11:00am all first responders were sent home to take care of their own families. Everyone was prepared for the worst and prayer for the best.

    Driving up to the higher grounds of Koko Head District Park, which is the east side of an extinct volcano, we passed only one car on the road.

    People moved to higher ground with their tents, chairs and barbeque. The roads leading to Ocean lookouts all around the Island were lined with tailgaters. That was neat. People were talking to each other, making friends, playing games, listening to the radios and of course; Twitter & Facebook had their place. Most people were enjoying the beauty of the day. Organizations, which had planned Hulihuli chicken sales as fundraisers, took the event to the top of the Pali Lookout and sold out. They made a killing. The Kamehemeha School Ho’olaula’a was held at the top of the highest mountain on Oahu, it was a huge success. Only in Hawaii!

    Beaches that would normally be crowded with sunbathers at midday on a Saturday were deserted. From our vantage point, we could see the flotilla of naval, commercial and recreational vessels lining the horizon seeking safe waters a couple of miles off the shore.

    By 1:30pm the waves had not reached more than 3 feet with no danger to life, limb or property. HoneyGirl had finally laid down comfortably on the grass and Kaspar was asleep in the carrying case. The food had been consumed, the coffee had was getting cold and the drinks warm. It was time to go. Hawaii’s short sojourn into the twilight zone was pau!

    It is hard to believe that a day as filled with such joy could be at the expense of the many people who have suffered and died in one of Chile’s worst earthquakes. May they rest in peace.

  • February 14, 03:17 PM

    What the FBI Showed Him

    Last weekend, on February 6, Catherine Walker and I were emailing back and forth about our plans to interview people familiar with the unsolved civil rights murder of her father Clifton Walker 46 years ago. Around mid-afternoon we had a breakthrough; Catherine wrote to tell me about her conversation with the son of a possible eyewitness to the planning of the murder:

    I explained to him how important today is: “DADDY’S birthday” How I need his Dad’s # to speak with him to move forward with the Justice quest. He understood.

    For months, Catherine Walker and I have wanted to speak with a black man who reportedly witnessed the planning of the murder at Nettles Truck Stop, about 6 miles north of Woodville, MS. The FBI documents say the man

    left the vicinity of Woodville, Mississippi, immediately after the murder of Walker … he [said he] knew what would happen if he continued to hang around.

    Some Woodville residents who know the possible eyewitness have told me they saw him about four years ago and that he told them he was at the truck stop on the night of the murder, February 28, 1964, and the planning of the murder was what he saw there.

    I was pretty sure I’d located the possible eyewitness, and I was in Louisiana, so Catherine and I were making plans to go see him ourselves. Over the last year, both Catherine and I have been in touch with our subject’s son, who lives in Baton Rouge, LA. The son told us that his family is actually kin to the Walkers and that he knows some of Catherine’s cousins well. He has information about the murder that he’s heard from extended family currently living in Louisiana who were in Woodville in 1964. The son has been eager to help. He’s shared the information with us, but he hasn’t felt comfortable arranging a meeting with his father. We originally thought he was trying to protect his father, but he eventually revealed to Catherine that he and his father do not get along.

    We wanted the son to tell us his father’s general location or phone number so I could verify that my information was correct. Finally, on Clifton Walker’s 83rd birthday, the son came through, and his information matched mine.

    The man we were looking for was at church when we got to his place. His wife and a slew of grandkids were all hanging out in a shotgun shack in a working class black neighborhood outside of New Orleans.

    We sat in Catherine’s car outside the house and waited.

    <object height="375" width="600"><param name="src" value="http://blip.tv/play/AYHFqgYC"/><param name="allowfullscreen" value="true"/><embed allowfullscreen="true" height="375" src="http://blip.tv/play/AYHFqgYC" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" width="600"></embed></object>

    A few weeks after his 37th birthday, on February 28, 1964, Clifton Walker was ambushed on the deserted, unpaved Poor House Road, outside Woodville, MS. He was on his way home from the 3-11 pm shift at the International Paper plant in Natchez, MS. Gunmen shot up his car, blew out all the windows, and shot Clifton Walker at close range, multiple times in the head. No arrests were ever made. Walker’s wife Ruby died in 1992 not knowing what really happened. Clifton and Ruby’s five children are still in the dark about the murder.

    For the two years I’ve known Catherine, we’ve been gaining on the case, but the progress is slow. We have a collection of federal and state documents, but we haven’t obtained any new documents for over a year. Many of the people mentioned in the documents are dead. Few of them who are still living have been willing to talk. People with knowledge of the case are dying off.

    But on Sunday we were feeling hopeful. Catherine made a good connection with the wife of the possible eyewitness when we went up to the house and found out he was at church. Afterwards, while we sat in the car waiting the man to return, Catherine said:

    I’m glad he’s in church. That means he’s gonna come back with the spirit in him and he’s gonna be really nice to us. That’s what he’s gonna do. He’s gonna talk to us.

    Even if he doesn’t, if he was afraid, he can just tell us what he heard, what he knows that made everyone else think he knew too much. That would help.

    Our man came back from church in the late afternoon and we talked with him at length. Though he admitted knowing the people in Woodville that I talked to, he denied having any first hand knowledge of the murder.

    <object height="375" width="600"><param name="src" value="http://blip.tv/play/AYHFqxMC"/><param name="allowfullscreen" value="true"/><embed allowfullscreen="true" height="375" src="http://blip.tv/play/AYHFqxMC" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" width="600"></embed></object>

    But he had some other information we did not expect him to have. He recalled an encounter with the FBI in 1964.

    The FBIs came up to my house. They had his picture and all that where he got shot. They had him naked, laying out on the table.

    According to him, the photo showed that Walker was shot on his right side—twice in the shoulder, twice in thigh and twice in the lower leg. He also said that the right side of Walker’s face was shot off “on an angle,” as if he was leaning over to the right when he was taking it in the face.

    The information our interviewee recalled from the FBI’s photo comports with first- and second-hand accounts of numerous bullet holes in at least one side of Walker’s car. It also potentially corroborates what Catherine’s mother Ruby told her—that she, Ruby, was told by FBI agents in 1964 that they found empty shotgun shells all along the banks of the road where Walker was shot. Our new information about the wounds on just the right side of Walker’s body could also help to establish with more certainty the sequence of events that occurred out on Poor House Road.

    For three years we’ve had a 1964 Mississippi Highway and Safety Patrol (MHSP) report that described the wounds to Walker’s head but made no indication of wounds to other parts of the body. In the report, highway patrolmen recount photographing Walker’s body at the funeral home at about 7:30 pm on February 29, before the pathologist had arrived to do the autopsy. The photo that the FBI reportedly showed our interview subject may have been one of the MHSP photos or it may have been from the autopsy which was performed later the same night. If this eyewitness report concerning the photo is correct, it raises questions about why such crucial details would have been left out of the MHSP report.

    If there was a crowd of men firing on Walker’s car from the banks of Poor House Road road, that substantially increases the likelihood that there are still living perpetrators. And for each person directly involved, there are possible others with knowledge of the perpetrator’s actions.

    If the FBI had the photo taken either by the MHSP or the coroner, then there were likely multiple copies and there is a better chance that the photo still exists somewhere. “I would like to even have those pictures,” Catherine said.

    (Cross-posted on Civil Rights Cold Case Project)

  • January 22, 07:20 AM

    John Kerry, MLK and Access to Records

    Over the Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday weekend some attention turned to US Senator John Kerry’s (D-MA) renewed effort to open the FBI records of Dr. King. Civil Rights Cold Case reporter Jerry Mitchell reported:

    U.S. Sen. John Kerry plans to introduce legislation next week that would pave the way for the release of thousands of FBI documents on the life and death of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

    Kerry, D-Mass., said the bill, which failed in 2006, can pass this year in honor of King. “I want the world to know what he stood for,” Kerry said. “And I want his personal history preserved and examined by releasing all of his records.”

    The bill calls for creating a Martin Luther King Records Collection at the National Archives that would include all government records related to King. The bill also would create a five-member independent review board that would identify and make public all documents from agencies including the FBI — just as a review board in 1992 made public documents related to the 1963 John F. Kennedy assassination.

    Mitchell spoke with Kerry and other prominent supporters of the legislation, including US Representative Bennie Thompson (D-MS) and pulitzer prize winning King biographer Taylor Branch. MItchell also spoke with others from the Civil Rights Cold Case Project, who believe Kerry should expand the focus of his important initiative.

    Hank Klibanoff, managing editor of the Cold Case Truth and Justice Project, believe[s] Kerry’s idea should be expanded to include the release of documents involving not only King’s assassination, but also other racial slayings from the civil rights era….

    Klibanoff met last summer with Attorney General Eric Holder and suggested creating an independent review board to make public “all files, documents and other historic materials related to the racial terror and hate crimes that occurred in the South during the modern civil rights era.”

    In an Oct. 27 letter, Holder responded that the Justice Department was discussing the best ways to make “the most responsible public disclosure possible.”…

    Ben Greenberg of Boston, whose father served as a special assistant to King in 1962 and 1963, praised Kerry’s legislation. “The murder of Martin Luther King Jr. was a trauma that our country will not recover from unless we can clear the air about what really happened,” he said.

    Greenberg, who has spent recent years investigating a number of unsolved killings from the era, including the 1964 killing of Clifton Walker near Woodville, said documents on many other racial slayings from the 1950s and 1960s should be made public, too.

    “The effects of these murders linger throughout the South,” he said.

    Some FBI documents continue to conceal the name of suspects in these killings, he said. “The people named in the documents, the family members and the perpetrators are dying every day. It is time for the truth to be told and for justice to be done. We need the information while there is still time to use it.”…

    Recently the FBI asked for the public’s help in solving 33 killings from the civil rights era — a third of them in Mississippi.

    Journalist John Fleming, whose work for The Anniston Star led to an arrest in the 1965 killing of Jimmie Lee Jackson in Selma, Ala., questioned how the FBI can ask for the public’s help in solving killings but fail to make public the names of crucial witnesses who could shed light on these cases.

    Boston Globe reporter Bryan Bender was also on the story.

    Nearly half a century after the height of the civil rights movement, hundreds of thousands of pages of government files about the volatile era remain shielded from the American public, buried in FBI field office cabinets, blocked by resistant bureaucracies, or available only with large sections blacked out, according to US officials and researchers.

    The situation has prompted a new push in Congress, led by Senator John F. Kerry of Massachusetts, to require that all records relating to the life and death of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. be located, reviewed, and released by a review board at the National Archives similar to those established for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and for Nazi war criminals

    Kerry’s plan to introduce legislation this week, however, is seen as only the first step in a broader movement to force the government to disclose what it knows – and did – about violence against blacks during the civil rights era, including scores of unsolved lynching and bombing cases.

    Bender spoke with Thomas Moore, who, as brother of murder victim Charles Eddie Moore, now works with Cold Case project as a family advocate.

    Thomas Moore is among the few family members to see the murder case of a loved one reopened decades after the height of the civil rights movement.

    But that was only after a journalist obtained previously unreleased federal and state records about the killing of his brother, Charles.

    “It wasn’t until 2005 that I was able to receive the unredacted FBI files,’’ Moore said. And it was not until this month, he added, that he obtained the Mississippi autopsy photos.

    As for countless other cases, Moore said he believes “there is still a lot of information out there. It should have been released a long time ago.’’

    Bender spoke with me as well:

    Part of the problem, many researchers say, is that unless they know which specific documents to request there is little chance of success, and as a result there needs to be an alternate mechanism along the lines of what Kerry is advocating for King files.

    They insist that what the government knew at the time about widespread racial violence could be crucial in solving some murders, such as the brutal killing of Clifton Walker, a father of five who was shot in the face on his way home from work in Woodville, Miss., in 1964.

    “The FBI documents I have [on the case] are highly redacted. I stare at them every day,’’ said Ben Greenberg, 40, a freelance journalist in Somerville who is working with the Cold Case Project. “If I knew whose name was under there or could better piece together what circumstances are being described, I’d be further down the path.’’

    He thinks government files about a rash of racially motivated killings at the time in southwest Mississippi might contain information that could help solve multiple cases.

    “If these files were more broadly available and not redacted they could provide a road map,’’ said Greenberg, whose father, Paul, worked for King in the early 1960s.

    There’s more in Bender and Mitchell’s articles.

  • January 15, 04:16 PM

    Don't Talk Crazy (Again)

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    I first heard Mark Mulcahy's music three and a half years ago, at a live performance in Somerville, MA. I was blown away by the songs and by his performances of them and have been a huge fan ever since. A couple of months after the show I found an mp3 of one of the songs that I'd heard and I just had to blog it. I wrote:

    A ways into the set Mulcahy took his hands off his guitar and he and the bass player and drummer applied their voices, just their voices, to this song. You could hear the sounds from the bar, separated from the lounge by a wall and a hallway. But the performance space was silent while the three men sang this. The sounds of the bar and pretty much everything else in Somerville dropped into the background.

    A few days later Mark's management contacted me and asked me to take down the mp3, so I did.

    The song is a dialog between two people who've been through something that far too many of this generation's young couples have been through. 

    A very recent performance of the song is now on YouTube, so I'm posting it for you all again. Great to see Mark is back on stage; I hope he comes through Boston soon.

  • December 29, 04:17 PM

    Remembering the Names

    USA Today reports that the FBI Field Office in Jackson, Mississippi may soon be named after James Chaney, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman—the three civil rights workers murdered by Klansmen in Neshoba County, MS, June 21, 1964.

    FBI Field Office, Jackson, MS (Greg Jenson, The Clarion-Ledger)

    JACKSON, Miss. — This state, whose civil rights history is marred with negatives, wants to name its new Federal Bureau of Investigation headquarters after slain civil rights workers Michael Schwerner, James Chaney and Andrew Goodman.

    “Given our state and its history, it would do a lot to show that Mississippi has changed,” said U.S. Rep. Bennie Thompson, a Democrat.

    “I think it’s an excellent idea and one that I would support,” Thompson said.

    The Jackson City Council will vote today on a resolution supporting the move. Schwerner, Chaney and Goodman were killed June 21, 1964, while participating in Freedom Summer, an intensive voter registration drive aimed at breaking Mississippi’s resistance to civil rights for African Americans….

    “It could send a signal to the rest of the nation that we at least understand some of the things that have happened in the past and realize that this is in tune of correcting some of the negatives back then,” Smith said.

    FBI spokeswoman Deborah Madden said the agency will defer to Congress for a final decision on naming the building, which the federal government is leasing….

    Angela Lewis, Chaney’s daughter, said naming the building after the trio would be “a very nice gesture” that could contribute to a better understanding of the era.

    I’m ambivalent about this possibility of a Chaney, Schwerner and Goodman FBI Field Office. In 1964, when the field office was established, attention to the three murdered civil rights workers precluded attention to most other of the numerous incidents that warranted investigation and response. In his book Racial Matters: The FBI’s Secret File on Black America, 1960-72, historian Kenneth O’Reilly writes:

    The reason for skepticism about the FBI presence was obvious. The violence had not abated. By COFO’s estimate 450 incidents makred the three months beginning June 15. Segregationists three voter registration workers in Hattiesburg as Hoover made his speech [at the opening of the Jackson Field Office]. (171)

    Despite enormous resources expended by the Bureau on solving the Neshoba murders, there was much skepticism about that as well. As Dick Gregory remarked at the time:

    If these Mississippi white Klansmen, who do not know how to plan crimes, who are ignorant, illiterate bastards, can completely baffle our FBI, what are those brilliant Communist spies doing to us?

    Though Edgar Ray Killen was finally convicted in 2005 on manslaughter charges for his role in the murders, the case is far from resolved.

    The FBI has been been trying to set a different tone in the present day, but questions remain about what the Bureau will accomplish.

    It is meaningful that US Representative Bennie Thompson (D-MS), who is a Mississippi Civil Rights Movement veteran, as well as the Mississippi NAACP and James Chaney’s daughter Angela, support the name change. It is worth noting, however, that journalist Chris Joyner has no quotes from Ben Chaney, brother of James Chaney, Rita Schwerner-Bender, widow of Michael Schwerner, or David Goodman, brother of Andrew Goodman. All three regularly make public statements regarding the Neshoba murders and are outspoken advocates for a broad approach to justice for their murdered family members—and for the countless other victims, many still nameless to the world at large.

  • December 19, 07:45 PM

    Civil Rights Cold Case Trailer

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    Since I first posted about The Civil Rights Cold Case Project, we’ve added the trailer for the documentary mini-series that we are currently developing in partnership with WNET.org and Paperny Films. I’m on there with the Clifton Walker Case a few times, starting at around 00:45.

  • December 16, 12:26 AM

    The Civil Rights Cold Case Project

    crccphome

    I am pleased to announce that The Civil Rights Cold Case Project website is now up and running at http://coldcases.org.

    My previous blog post, about my most recent trip to Mississippi, was cross posted from the Cold Case Project site.

    The Civil Rights Cold Case Project brings together the power of investigative reporting, narrative writing, documentary filmmaking and interactive multimedia production to reveal the long-neglected truths behind scores of race-motivated murders, and to facilitate reconciliation and healing.

    Our reporters are reopening and investigating several cold cases—producing important evidence that prosecutors have used to build criminal cases against killers and conspirators who have walked free for more than 40 years.

    The photo from the home page slideshow, above, is one I took on Poor House Road, in the area where Clifton Walker was murdered on February 28, 1964.

    There’s more on the site and much more to come.

  • December 15, 11:25 PM

    Picking Up the Trail from a 25-Year-Old Tip

    cliftonwalkertombstone

    In October, I was in Mississippi again, following leads in my investigation of the 1964 murder of Clifton Walker, a black man from Woodville, MS.

    Driving home from the swing shift at the International Paper plant in Natchez, MS, Walker was ambushed by Klansmen, who stopped his car on a deserted road and blew his face off with shotguns in the dark of night. He never made it home to his wife and five children. He was 37 years old.

    The Mississippi Highway and Safety Patrol and the FBI investigated for nine months and identified numerous suspects—including two who were recommended for arrest—but no one was ever charged.

    This post works around the edges of the story to convey a little of what it’s like to conduct a real-time investigation of decades-old events. I’ll be publishing an in-depth article about the case soon.

    The Tip

    “One of my cousins, who still lives in Woodville, told me Emma’s in Centreville,” came the excited voice over the phone. “She just opened up a club there.”

    There are two towns in Wilkinson County, MS—Woodville, which is the county seat, and Centreville, which is 15 miles east of there.

    The caller was one of Clifton Walker’s nephews. I had just met and interviewed him for the first time the day before in Louisiana. In 1964 he and his family lived on the same 87 acre family plot of land as Walker and his family.

    This was big. 1964 Mississippi Highway and Safety Patrol documents said Emma, a black cook at the truck stop where Walker’s murder was allegedly planned, had knowledge crucial to solving the case. I had found subjects in the documents and confirmed others dead, but I had nothing on Emma, past or present.

    “Did your cousin say the name of the club or where it is?” I asked Walker’s nephew.

    “No,” he replied, “she didn’t mention that.”

    Centreville is a small town of 1500 people. Finding a club that just opened up there didn’t seem daunting. The town is 45 miles from the hotel where I was staying in Natchez. I got into my rental car and drove there.

    Main Street in Centreville is about eight blocks long. I parked my car near the western end, got out and started walking east. After a few blocks, I passed a small group of young black men near the corner of West Park Street and noticed a little place down that road that looked like a bar. A number of people were standing around outside. Was that Emma’s “club”?

    After another block, I came to the Camp Van Dorn World War II Museum—the tall, box shaped, single-story brick building might have once been a bank or post office; the brown paint looked newer than the paint on any of the other buildings. Camp Van Dorn was an army base that operated in Centreville from 1942-1947.

    It wouldn’t take long in such a small town for rumors about my work to spread widely. Maybe inside the museum I could get into a conversation that would reveal what I needed to know without asking direct questions about Emma.

    The door was locked. The museum closed at 4:00 pm, and it was already after 5:00. I turned around and started walking back in the direction of my car and tried to come up with Plan B. One of the guys from the street corner was now standing across the street from me.

    He called out: “What’re you looking for?”

    His name was Robert. I had my camera over my shoulder. I said I was from Boston.

    “Boston, Massachusetts?” he asked, “where they have whales and shit?”

    Robert suggested beers; I assented, thinking we might go to the place on West Park, but he took me down the block to McKey’s Grocery.

    “What kind of beer you drink?” he asked. “I drink Bud Light.”

    “That’s fine. Hey, it’s on me,” I said, giving him a 20, “just give me the change.”

    He came back a few minutes later with two 24 oz Bud Light cans.

    “Seventeen dollars and three cents. Let me hold some of that for you,” Robert offered. “I’ll take you out to Camp Van Dorn and show you underground bomb bunkers, old torpedos and shit like that. You might take a few pictures of me standing in a cave.“

    “Thanks,” I answered. “Maybe if I make it back here, but I need to get back to Natchez soon.”

    We walked another block, crossed the street and walked a few feet down West Park and sat down on a stoop in front of an old pair of forest green double-doors.

    His friends started coming by.

    “This guy is a photographer from Boston,” Robert said.

    Robert grabbed one of his buddies and started posing and flashing gang signs.

    “Snap me. Don’t forget to snap me.”

    One guy pulled off his shirt to show off his tattoos from prison.

    “You make sure you take this shit back to Boston, Massachusetts.”

    “What kind of white girls you got up there in Boston? They freaky?”

    I gestured towards the bar down the block. “How long has this place been around?”

    “A long time. Years.”

    I snapped more photos of Robert’s friends.

    Robert leaned over to me, saying, “They see you sitting here with me, so you’re cool. Why don’t you let me hold that 10 for you?”

    It was getting dusky and it was time to go.

    At the street corner one of the guys started asking me for $5 for a pack of t-shirts.

    I thought about where else I could ask around about Emma’s club, but it was definitely time to go.

    I heard them calling out as I walked back to the car. I didn’t turn around. I got into the car and drove down a side street to weave my way back to Highway 24.

    I called Walker’s nephew from the car and told him I didn’t find Emma’s place.

    The Source

    In the morning, I drove to the Natchez Coffee House, got some breakfast, used the wifi and sorted through some of my photographs. At around 11:00 am, I went out to my car to call the Woodville cousin who was the source of the information that Emma had a club. Her mother, now deceased, was another of Clifton Walker’s sisters. All of Walker’s 10 siblings are dead.

    “Why did he go and run his mouth off like that without knowing the facts?”

    She was exasperated.

    “Emma opened a new club there. But it was twenty-five years ago,” she said. “I was a little girl when I heard it. I went to Centreville with my mother. Emma walked past us in the store we were shopping in. Mama said, ‘if it wasn’t for that woman, my brother would still be alive.’”

    “Is Emma still there? Is she alive?” I asked.

    “I have no idea.”

    It was a 25-year-old tip.

    Return to Centreville

    I decided to visit the office of Centreville Chief of Police Jimmy Ray Reese.

    “It was over him either using the white restrooms or drinking out of the white water fountain” at International Paper, Chief Reese told me.

    Reese said he knew all about the Walker case. He said a number of things I hadn’t heard others say before.

    “Back in those days they had the signs, you know. He’d been told don’t do one or the other. And apparently he did and he was found shot with buckshot. Something like 250 holes were found in his car. I think a tree might have been cut across the road and he might have gotten out to check on the tree and they shot him.”

    I told him about Emma.

    “Yeah I know her,” he said.

    “She still around?” I asked.

    “Yup,” he replied, “I talked to Emma last week. She was involved?”

    It was no longer dated hearsay. Emma was alive.

    “She’s mentioned in the documents as having knowledge,” I explained, trying to not speak too excitedly.

    “I’ve been in law enforcement in this town 33 years, 34 years in January. She’s been here ever since then,” Reese said. “She ran a big night club. I know her quite well, and we always got along good.”

    “When she ran that juke, I was the deputy and we had a lot dealings,” Reese continued. “A lot of them at these jukes don’t like to tell you who was fighting, but she’d always point em out to me and have em arrested and try to stop things. She tried to run a pretty good place. She had a lot of pull back in them days.”

    I finally met Emma the next morning. She was 81 years old, tall, even as she bent to use her cane. She had small, braided pigtails pinned tightly behind her ears. She was getting over the flu and was wearing a white, terrycloth robe. Her recollections comported with details in the 1964 Mississippi Highway and Safety Patrol documents.

    “They come down there and they questioned me,” she said. “They knocked on the door, I answered the door and they just pushed the door on over.”

    After the murder she was living in Louisiana.

    “They brought me big pictures. He was laying there with blood, he was full of blood and I didn’t look at them cause it was horrible.”

    She clearly had not forgotten it.

    Did she have information crucial to my investigation? She sure didn’t think so, but that remains to be seen.

    (Cross-posted on The Civil Rights Cold Case Project blog.)

  • November 22, 02:27 PM

    New Evidence to Act on in 1964 Klan Murder of James Chaney

    X-rays reveal that two bullets were not removed from James Chaney’s body during the autopsy after he, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman were murdered by a gang of Klansmen in Neshoba County, MS, June 21 1964. James Chaney’s brother Ben has told the Clarion Ledger’s Jerry Mitchell that the Chaney family will allow the body to be exhumed to allow investigators to try matching the bullets to a murder weapon.

    Exhuming James Chaney’s body could help identify others involved in the Ku Klux Klan’s 1964 killings of Chaney and two other civil rights workers, a world-renowned forensic pathologist says.

    That’s because X-rays show two bullets were never removed from Chaney, said Dr. Michael Baden of New York City. “They’re still in his body, and they could be matched to the weapons that did it.”

    The FBI contacted Baden last week about his findings.

    Chaney’s brother, Ben, said he and his family support an exhumation. “If they (FBI agents) want to take the bullets from my brother, we’ll do that,” he said. “Whatever they need.”

    This evidence first came to light in 2005, when Baden and pathologist Dr. Steven Hayne were studying the X-rays and other evidence for the 2005 prosecution of Edgar Ray Killen—the Klansman who was convicted that year on manslaughter charges for his role in orchestrating the killings of the three civil rights workers.

    After the defense agreed to the facts, prosecutors didn’t call the two forensic pathologists as witnesses.

    Baden said he decided to request the exhumation after hearing the FBI was now reinvestigating the trio’s killings.

    No murder weapons were ever found in the trio’s killings, but former inmate Larry Ellis, who had a prison cell next to Killen in 2007, recently told FBI agents that Killen talked of a murder weapon being buried on his property. Killen, who was a part-time preacher, lived in Union.

    If a gun was recovered, it still could be tested to see if it fired the fatal bullets into Chaney, Baden said. “And there might still be DNA and fingerprints on the weapon.”…

    According to a confession by Horace Doyle Barnette, Klansman Alton Wayne Roberts grabbed Schwerner, 24, and shot him once, then grabbed Goodman, 20, and shot him once. Jordan then joined Roberts – and perhaps others – in shooting Chaney, 21, to death.

    Ballistics confirmed that bullets removed from all three bodies came from two different .38-caliber pistols.

    Why weren’t the pathologists called to the stand in 2005? Roberts is dead but, as noted in the article sidebar, four suspects are still living:

    • Olen Burrage of Philadelphia
    • Pete Harris of Meridian
    • former Philadelphia police officer Richard Willis of Noxapater
    • Jimmie Snowden of Hickory

    In 2005, there were as many as 9 other living suspects. Not knowing all that was involved in accomplishing a successful prosecution of Edgar Ray Killen, I allow there may have been reason to limit testimony once the defense agreed to the facts in the case. But without more information important questions linger, pointing to possible cover-ups.

    Ben Chaney has said that when pursuing the indictment of Edgar Ray Killen in 2005,

    the District Attorney did not vigorously in the grand jury proceedings pursue the indictments against … the remaining people that participated in this crime.

    After the Killen trial the prosecutors misrepresented crucial facts in the case. Prosecutors ambitious to right four decades of denied justice should have viewed the trial as an important discovery tool for bringing new evidence to light. Instead, new evidence has remained hidden four and a half years while suspects have been dying off.

    Justice and the truth require swift, efficient and determined action. When it comes to these decades old cold cases, there is no time for selective disclosures of evidence.The Justice Department and the state of Mississippi must pursue this evidence without delay.

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    Conservative media figures and outlets have falsely claimed a New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) survey found that 46 percent of primary care physicians would consider leaving their profession if Democrats' health care reform bill passes. In fact, NEJM says that the 3-month-old email "survey" was not published in or conducted by NEJM.

    NEJM spokeswoman confirms: Survey has nothing to do with the "original research" published in The New England Journal of Medicine

    Media Matters for America contacted The New England Journal of Medicine and received confirmation from spokesperson Jennifer Zeis that the study had "nothing to do with the New England Journal of Medicine's original research." Zeis also made clear that the study "was not published by the New England Journal of Medicine."

    The Medicus Firm, a medical recruitment firm, conducted the survey

    The Medicus Firm conducted the survey in December 2009. The Medicus Firm, a Dallas- and Atlanta-based firm that recruits and places physicians in jobs, was responsible for conducting the survey. It issued a press release about the results on December 17, 2009.

    Article actually appeared in employment newsletter. The report appeared in Recruiting Physicians Today, an employment newsletter produced by Massachusetts Medical Society, "the publishers of the New England Journal of Medicine." The report also appeared on the NEJM "CareerCenter" website, but was taken down on March 17. Zeis also said that this article "was written by The Medicus Firm." Both versions of the write-up clearly indicate that the source for the survey is The Medicus Firm and provide contact information for its media relations department.

    NEJM CareerCenter website: "Recruiting Physicians Today is a free advertiser newsletter," and the survey report represents opinions "of The Medicus Firm only." The report written by The Medicus Firm about its survey appeared on the NEJM CareerCenter website, which "offers a full suite of physician job searching tools," and "provides physician-employment articles in the resource center, offering helpful articles on physician careers, physician job-hunting tips, physician employment trends and more." The report was taken down from the CareerCenter on March 17 and replaced with the following message:

    Recruiting Physicians Today is a free advertiser newsletter published by the Worldwide Advertising Sales and Marketing Department in the publishing division of the Massachusetts Medical Society. Each issue of the newsletter features research and content produced by physician recruiting firms and other independent groups involved in physician employment.

    On December 17, 2009 The Medicus Firm, a national physician search firm based in Dallas and Atlanta, published the results of a survey they conducted with 1,000 physicians regarding their attitudes toward health reform. To read their survey results at The Medicus Firm website, click here.

    The opinions expressed in the article linked to above represent those of The Medicus Firm only. That article does not represent the opinions of the New England Journal of Medicine or the Massachusetts Medical Society.

    Methodology involved emailing doctors in The Medicus Firm's database. The NEJM CareerCenter article indicated that "[t]he survey sample was randomly selected from a physician database of thousands. The database has been built over the past eight years by The Medicus Firm (formerly Medicus Partners and The MD Firm) from a variety of sources including, but not limited to, public directories, purchased lists, practice inquiries, training programs, and direct mail responses. The survey was conducted via emails sent directly to physicians."

    In "survey" write-up, physician recruitment firm touted the importance of physician recruitment firms "[a]fter health reform is passed and implemented." After discussing the results of its "survey," the article added:

    What does this mean for physician recruiting? It's difficult to predict with absolute certainty, but one consequence is inevitable. After health reform is passed and implemented, physicians will be more in demand than ever before. Shortages could be exacerbated further beyond the predictions of industry analysts. Therefore, the strongest physician recruiters and firms will be in demand. Additionally, hospitals and practices may be forced to rely on unprecedented recruitment methods to attract and retain physicians. "Health reform, even if it's passed in a most diluted form, could be a game-changer for physician recruitment," said Bob Collins, managing partner of The Medicus Firm in Texas. "As competitive as the market is now, we may not even be able to comprehend how challenging it will become after health reform takes effect."

    Media falsely attribute survey to The New England Journal of Medicine

    Bill O'Reilly: Survey was "published by The New England Journal of Medicine, a prestigious magazine." On the March 16 edition of his Fox News show, Bill O'Reilly said, "A new survey published by The New England Journal of Medicine, a prestigious magazine, says that nearly half of primary care doctors in America could leave the medical profession if Obamacare is passed." After citing statistics from The Medicus Firm survey, O'Reilly said, "I believe the study in The New England Journal of Medicine, because I've talked to enough doctors myself to know there's no great enthusiasm for Obamacare in the medical community, even here in liberal New York City."

    Kilmeade: NEJM "published a report and did a survey" that found doctors "feel reform will force them out." On the March 17 edition of Fox News' Fox & Friends, co-host Brian Kilmeade said: "Well, if this does in fact pass, no matter how it does pass, what would it mean for the medical profession, those who spend so much money, oftentimes go way in debt, just to be doctors for you, not to be rich. You don't do the -- you don't become a doctor to be rich, you know, now especially. How do they feel about it? Well, The New England Journal of Medicine has published a report and did a survey, and they said the impact of reform on primary care physicians, 46 percent, they say, feel reform will force them out or make them want to leave medicine."

    HotAir.com: NEJM "polled health-care providers." On HotAir.com, blogger Ed Morrissey wrote: "And you thought wait times were long now. The New England Journal of Medicine, hardly a bastion of conservative thought, polled health-care providers to determine their reaction to ObamaCare, and discovered that it has many doctors looking for the exits. Almost half of all general-practice doctors would feel compelled to leave medicine altogether if it passes."

    Hannity guest attributes study to NEJM. On the March 16 edition of his Fox News show, Sean Hannity asked Milton Wolf, a radiologist who says he is President Obama's second cousin, "Will this plan that they're now pushing, and I think in a very corrupt way, do you believe this will harm and -- if you believe so, how greatly will it harm our health care system?" Wolf replied: "We just learned from The New England Journal of Medicine that a significant percentage of doctors would consider leaving -- seriously consider leaving the profession if this went through. We will actually have less providers if this went through to try to take on these extra burdens, and there would be no choice but to ration care. They've already built it into this plan."

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    Google Index to Go Real Time

    Google is developing a system that will enable web publishers of any size to automatically submit new content to Google for indexing within seconds of that content being published. Search industry analyst Danny Sullivan told us today that this could be "the next chapter" for Google.

    Last Fall we were told by Google's Brett Slatkin, lead developer on the PubSubHubbub (PuSH) real time syndication protocol, that he hoped Google would some day use PuSH for indexing the web instead of the crawling of links that has been the way search engines have indexed the web for years.

    Google senior product manager Dylan Casey said yesterday at Sullivan's Search Marketing Expo in Santa Clara, California that the company plans to soon publish a standard way for site owners to participate in a program much like that.

    Sponsor

    How The System Might Work

    PuSH is a syndication system based on the ATOM format where a publisher tells the world about a Hub that it will notify every time new content is published. Subscribers then tell the Hub "when this Publisher posts new content, please deliver it to me right away." So instead of the Subscriber checking back with the Publisher all the time to see if there's new content, they just sit and wait to be told that there is by the Hub. The Publisher publishes something, then tells the Hub that it's available, then the Hub goes and delivers it to all the Subscribers. This can take as little as a few seconds.

    If Google can implement an Indexing by PuSH program, it would ask every website to implement the technology and declare which Hub they push to at the top of each document, just like they declare where the RSS feeds they publish can be found. Then Google would subscribe to those PuSH feeds to discover new content when it's published.

    PuSH wouldn't likely replace crawling, in fact a crawl would be needed to discover PuSH feeds to subscribe to, but the real-time format would be used to augment Google's existing index.

    As Danny Sullivan told us today, Google would have to implement some sort of spam control and not just let content be pushed live to the index unvetted. That was what happened in the earliest days of search and it was a real mess, he told us.

    The Advantages of a Real Time Google Index

    PuSH is much more computationally efficient for Google but Slatkin says that even more important is the impact of such a move for small publishers. Right now many small sites get visited by Google maybe once a week. With a PuSH system in place, they would be able to get their content to Google automatically right away.

    A richer, faster, more efficient internet would be good for everyone, but the benefits in search wouldn't be limited to Google, either. The PubSubHubbub is an open protocol and the feeds would be as visible to Yahoo and Bing as they would be to Google.

    "I am being told by my engineering bosses to openly promote this open aproach even to our competitors," Slatkin says. That's a very good sign.

    We expect this will be a very big deal and we'll be covering it more extensively in the coming days, as well as whenever Google has something to announce more formally.

    Don't Forget: ReadWriteWeb recently released a big research report titled The Real-Time Web and Its Future, based on 50+ interviews with key innovators, like PubSubHubbub creator Brett Slatkin. Check it out!

    Above: Slatkin's deck for a presentation about Hubbub at Facebook HQ last Fall.
    Discuss


  • March 03, 07:02 PM
  • February 27, 08:23 PM

    How to raise a walker

    At this point, our 3 1/2 y.o. H is a pretty reasonable walker. She walks the 6-ish blocks to and from daycare four days a week and walks the scant mile between our house and Davis Square (where grandma lives) at least once a week, sometimes as many as four times a week. She frequently walks the half mile or so to our subway station, as well as frequent short jaunts to the park, the library or the swimming pool (it will be summer again someday, right?). These days she hardly even drives us crazy while doing it. She just walks along, sometimes holding a hand, sometimes running ahead a bit, generally not making us fear for her life at street crossings, and walking at a pretty decent clip. She took a ceremonial "last stroller ride" a few weeks ago, but she hasn't used the stroller on any kind of regular basis in probably 5 or 6 months.

    This doesn't seem so remarkable to us. Lots of kids in our neighborhood walk. A lot. But my parents were just visiting and seemed rather impressed by it (and H, seeing an easy mark, convinced her grandpa she was tired and needed a ride on his shoulders to Davis...). I've also seen a few notes here and there in blogland of parents with older kids whose kids wouldn't walk as far as a mile (maybe it's an older kid thing?). So it got me wondering, how did we raise a walker (so far)? It's not rocket science. The kid probably mostly just has to walk a lot, but anyone who's ever tried to take a walk with, say, a two year old, (and actually get somewhere) knows that's not necessarily as straightforward as it sounds. Here are a few tips and generalizations based our our broad and carefully selected sample set of one child. By all means, please add wisdom from your experience in the comments.

    Step 1: Send child off with grandma, who won't pick her up, hates carrying a stroller in and out of the apartment building, and has a lot of patience, shortly after child learns to walk. Really, grandma has been great for H's walking prowess. She's also been great at working with her on train riding skills. When she has H, she's not in as much of a hurry as we are, and her patience really helped her to work with H on walking instead of just getting frustrated and chucking her in the stroller (which we've definitely been known to do).

    Step 2: Keep an eye out for trips that might actually be easier without the stroller. Starting at barely age two, H was able to start making the three block walk to our neighborhood park, albeit very slowly. At some point, we noticed it was actually easier not to have to strap her in and instead let her walk. Sure, it took a while, but we were just going to the park anyway and she was having fun. If she got tired, she was still small enough, and the trip short enough that she could ride on one of our backs home. Soon we noticed more and more trips were easier with her on foot. First the library. Then the T station (which opened up a world of stroller-less outing options). Now she can get all the way to Davis Square, which as our nearest real commercial center, was the marker that let us ditch the stroller for good.

    Step 3: Keep them moving but keep your cool. We went through a period where H would dawdle. A lot. It drove us crazy. After all, we're not just out taking a stroll. Walking is a major form of transportation for us, and doing it not just at toddler pace, but at the pace of a toddler who has realized she has the power to drive her parents insane by walking even more slowly, well, let's just say we had some outings that weren't so much fun. Once she realized she could push buttons this way, any seasoned parents here know we were just adding further inspiration for even more dawdling. We finally wised up. Angela let H know that she was expected to keep moving forward at a good pace, and that after one warning, if she slowed again she would be picked up and carried, no questions. H really didn't want to be picked up (the horror!), and since she stopped getting a rise out of us, she soon learned to keep moving. Now, clearly this one won't work with a kid too big to carry, or a kid who doesn't have a lot of motivation to do things him/herself, but that's all the more reason to start them young. Most 2 year olds are small enough to carry 10-20 paces, and want to do everything by themselves, at least some of the time (though it's true, H may be at one somewhat extreme end of that spectrum, but hey, we only promised a sample size of one!).

    So, what are your tricks? What works to keep school age kids moving? How did you navigate the transition from stroller to foot?
  • February 26, 02:24 PM

    Epic Fail in Congress: USA PATRIOT Act Renewed Without Any New Civil Liberties Protections

    Yesterday evening, the U.S. House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly to renew three expiring provisions of the USA PATRIOT Act, after the Senate abandoned the PATRIOT reform effort and approved the extension by a voice vote on Wednesday night.

    Disappointingly, the government's dangerously broad authority to conduct roving wiretaps of unspecified or "John Doe" targets, to secretly wiretap of persons without any connection to terrorists or spies under the so-called "lone wolf" provision, and to secretly access a wide range of private business records without warrants under PATRIOT Section 215 were all renewed without any new checks and balances to prevent abuse. Despite months of vigorous debate, when PATRIOT renewal bills providing for greater oversight and accountability were approved by the Judiciary Committees of both the House and the Senate, Democratic leaders' push for reform fizzled in the face of staunch Republican opposition buoyed by recent hot-button events such as the attempted bombing of an airliner on Christmas Day and the shooting at Fort Hood.

    The renewed PATRIOT provisions were originally set to expire on December 31, 2009, but Congress ran out of time last year and temporarily extended them until February 28th, this coming Sunday. The new extension is expected to be signed by the President before then.

    The one silver lining? Despite a push by Republican leaders for a four-year extension, the renewed provisions are now set to expire in one year. So, although this battle's been lost, the effort to roll back PATRIOT's worst excesses is far from over. Thank you to everyone who took action to support PATRIOT reform this past year; we hope that you'll continue the fight with us in the next year.

  • February 26, 09:34 AM

    The “Legal Principles” Timeline, Two

    Back in September, I put together a timeline of everything we knew about the “Legal Principles” document created by the CIA’s CounterTerrorism Center and lawyers from OLC in 2003. The OPR Report has additional information on the document (starting at PDF 107), which it refers to as the “Bullet Points,” so I wanted to update September’s post to see what more we could learn.

    As a reminder, the “Legal Principles” [and/or "Bullet Points"] document is a set of bullet points CIA’s Counterterrorism Center developed with the participation of John Yoo and–the OPR Report makes clear–Jennifer Koester. Koester explained the document this way:

    She understood that the Bullet Points were drafted to give the CIA OIG a summary of OLC’s advice to the CIA about the legality of the detention and interrogation program. [Koester] understood that the CIA OIG had indicated to CTC
    [redacted] that it might evaluate the legality of the program in connection with its investigation, and that the Bullet Points were intended to demonstrate that OLC had already weighed in on the subject. [There is a one page redaction after this description.]

    It appears the “Legal Principles” document claimed to do three things:

    • Authorize the use of torture with other “al Qaeda” detainees, even those not described as “High Value”
    • Legally excuse crimes, potentially up to and including murder
    • Dismiss CAT’s Article 16 prohibition on cruel and inhuman treatment

    As such, the document formed a critical legal fig leaf leading up to the release of the IG Report (at which point OLC clarified in writing that it was not a valid OLC opinion). I suspect the need to replace this explains some of the urgency surrounding the May 2005 OLC opinions.

    There are several details that become clear from this timeline:

    • John Yoo (and probably Jennifer Koester) was involved in the CIA OIG process from the start. He knew that the IG’s development of facts associated with potential crimes would affect what DOJ did to any criminal referrals in response.
    • The need to expand legal status of the torture program with the IG Report in mind appears to be one of two reason why Yoo and Koester shared a copy of the March 2003 Yoo Memo with CIA; that memo appears to have formed the basis for several of the bullet points in the “Legal Principles” document. (The other reason to share the memo is to understand status of DOJ opinions just as CIA started torturing Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.)
    • Even though John Yoo himself acknowledged that the “Legal Principles” document was not OLC product, CIA continued to insist on using it.

    John Yoo’s Original Torture Approvals

    The early approvals for torture focus largely on the torture statute to the detriment of other laws. Furthermore, the specific approval for torture–the Bybee Two memo–only covered Abu Zubaydah.

    July 13, 2002: John Yoo writes Rizzo a letter outlining “what is necessary to establish the crime of torture.”

    August 1, 2002: Bybee memos establish organ failure standard and support necessity defense, state that interrogation would not be subject to ICC, and approve ten techniques for use with Abu Zubaydah.

    Crimes Create the Need for New Approvals

    It appears that the deaths in custody in November and December 2002 may have been the impetus for the “Legal Principles,” in which case they can be understood as a way to dismiss crimes–including murder–committed on detainees.

    November, December 2002: Deaths in CIA custody, abuse of al-Nashiri. The OPR Report also has a lengthy section on another detainee, which is completely redacted, though it appears those abuses happen after KSM in March 2003.

    December 2002: Scott Muller meets with OLC (and Criminal Division) and briefed them on scope and breadth of program.

    January 24, 2003: Scott Muller, John Rizzo, and another CIA person (probably a CTC lawyer) meet with Michael Chertoff, Alice Fisher, John Yoo, and one other DOJ person (probably Koester) to discuss detainee abuses. Chertoff told CIA that “use of weapon to frighten a detainee could have violated the law” (Chertoff seems less interested in a different episode), but tells CIA that DOJ will let CIA OIG develop the facts.

    January 28, 2003: John Helgerson calls John Yoo. Yoo tells him that “they feel they do not need to be involved until after the OIG report is completed.” After Helgerson shares Yoo’s response with Rizzo, Rizzo responds saying, “Based on what Chertoff told us when we gave him the heads up on this last week, the Criminal Division’s decision on whether or not some criminal law was violated will be predicated on the facts that you gather and present to them.” [Note, this description precedes a 4-page redaction in the OPR Report, one of the longest redactions in the report.]

    March 3, 2003: Yoo has Koester send draft of Yoo Memo to CIA General Counsel Scott Muller. OPR Report explains that “Muller wanted to make sure nothing in the new memorandum detracted from the assurances OLC had provided CIA in the Bybee Memo. Note the Yoo Memo has a more extensive discussions of why CAT didn’t apply than the Bybee Memo, as well as a statement that ordinary criminal statutes would not apply. Both of these responses would seem to respond directly to Chertoff’s comment about potential criminal violations. Some of this language appears to have been adopted in the “Legal Principles” document.

    March 7, 2003: Muller responds to draft (the content of the response is entirely redacted in the OPR Report).

    April 28, 2003: Muller has draft of Legal Principles hand-carried (note, OPR Report says it was faxed) to John Yoo. It states:

    The United States is at war with al-Qa’ida. Accordingly, US criminal statutes do not apply to official government actions directed against al-Qa’ida detainees except where those statutes are specifically applicable in the conduct of war or to official actions.

    Koester “reworks” the draft and sends it back to CIA.

    CIA Delivers “Legal Principles” to Philbin as Final Document after Yoo Leaves

    In May 30, 2003 John Yoo left the OLC–the timing of which is discussed in a mostly redacted footnote. Yoo’s departure appears to have created legal exposure for CIA because they had the understanding that his authorizations were carte blanche authorizations. CIA tried to deal with this by presenting Yoo’s carte blanche to his replacement, Pat Philbin, as a fait accompli.

    June 16, 2003: On June 16, CIA sends two drafts of the document internally. One (Other-25) is described this way:

    This is an 8-page document, including two routing slips and a classification cover sheet. The document summarizes the law applicable to the CIA’s detention and interrogation program of captured detainees. The document contains confidential communications between a CIA attorney and CIA officers relating to a matter for which the officers sought legal advice. It was prepared by the CIA attorney or employee with the joint expectation of the attorney and employee that it would be held in confidence, and it has been held in confidence. These privileged attorney-client communications are thus protected from disclosure by Exemption b(5).

    One (Other-23) is described this way:

    This is a 4-page document, including a router page, that summarizes the applicable law to the CIA’s detention and interrogation program. This document contains pre-decisional deliberative process information and confidential communications between a CIA attorney and CIA officers relating to a matter for which the officers sought legal advice. It was prepared by the CIA attorney or employee with the joint expectation of the attorney and employee that it would be held in confidence, and it has been held in confidence. In addition, the information was produced by a CIA attorney in anticipation of litigation.

    Now, I’ve placed these documents in this order because the Vaughn Index that describes them seems to present the documents in descending order, from most recent to older. While both appear to be drafts of the “Legal Principles” document from the description and the timing, there are some differences:

    • Other-25 appears to have been forwarded to a second recipient; Other-23 appears to have been sent just once
    • Other-25 appears to have five pages of content; Other-23 (and the version sent to Philbin that day) have just three
    • The Vaughn Index claims Other-23 was produced “in anticipation of litigation;” it makes no such claim for Other-25
    • The Vaughn Index claims Other-23 contains deliberative discussions; it makes no such claim for Other-25

    One thing may explain the differences in the two versions. On the same day, a CIA lawyer wrote a Memo for the Record stating that,

    … the document “was fully coordinated with John Yoo … as well as with [Koester], who reported to Mr. Yoo at OLC. It was drafted in substantial part by Mr. Yoo and [Koester] and was approved verbatim. It reflects the joint conclusion of the CIA Office of General Counsel and the DoJ Office of Legal Counsel.”

    So it may be that the longer version of the “Legal Principles” document includes the MFR.

    Presumably after those two versions were exchanged at CIA, someone at CTC sent a copy (of the three-page document, plus router and classification sheet) to Pat Philbin, who had taken over many of John Yoo’s duties at OLC. The document was sent with the message,

    For your records–copy of final legal summary.

    The existence of two versions (of different length) of this document on the same day the “final” was sent to Philbin suggests CIA may have quickly finalized the document so as to present Philbin with a purportedly final document.

    The Legal Principles Limits the Law, Dismisses CAT’s Inhuman Prohibition, and Adds Techniques

    While this version does not have the “criminal statutes do not apply” language from the April 28 draft, it does have this passage limiting the applicability of the law to the Torture and the War Crimes statutes.

    CIA interrogations of foreign nationals are not within the “special maritime and territorial jurisdiction” of the United States where the interrogation occurs on foreign territory in buildings that are not owned or leased by or under the legal jurisdiction of the U.S. government. The criminal laws applicable to the special maritime and territorial jurisdiction therefore do not apply to such interrogations. The only two federal criminal statutes that might apply to these interrogations are the War Crimes statute, 18 USC S2441, and the prohibition against torture, 18 USC S2340-2340A.

    With that language, it seems, the “Legal Principles” document excused things like murder. As such–particularly with the language about “anticipation of litigation”–the document may partly serve to “legalize” the crimes committed against detainees in November and December 2002.

    The document also dismisses the application of the Convention Against Torture’s prohibition on cruel and inhuman treatment, first of all, by simply making shit up.

    Because of US reservations to the Convention, the US obligation to undertake to prevent such treatment or punishment extends only to conduct that would constitute cruel and inhuman treatment under the Eighth Amendment or would “shock the conscience” under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments. Additionally, the Convention permits the use of such treatment or punishment in exigent circumstances, such as a national emergency or war.

    The “Legal Principles” go on to further dismiss CAT’s cruel and inhuman prohibition by claiming those same amendments don’t apply.

    The interrogation of members of al-Qa’ida, who are foreign nationals, does not violate the Fifth, Eighth, and Fourteenth Amendments because those amendments do not apply. The Due Process Clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, which would be the only clauses in those amendments that could arguably apply to the conduct of interrogations, do not apply extraterritorially to aliens. The Eighth Amendment has no application because it applies solely to those persons upon whom criminal sanctions have been imposed. The detention of enemy combatants is in no sense the imposition of a criminal sanction and thus the Eighth Amendment does not apply.

    Having “authorized” murder and cruel and inhuman treatment, the “Legal Principles” proceeds to add new techniques to the torture regimen beyond those approved in the Bybee Two memo, including:

    • Isolation
    • Reduced caloric intake
    • Deprivation of reading material
    • Loud music or white noise
    • Abdominal slap
    • Wall standing
    • Use of diapers

    That is, this document claims to reflect OLC authorization for the confinement techniques CIA was already using and for the new coercive techniques that had already been put into place.

    Pat Philbin and Jack Goldsmith Object to the “Legal Principles”

    June 17, 2003: The day after Philbin received the document, he met with the CIA and–at least according to Jack Goldsmith–told them it did not count as an OLC opinion.

    OLC also believes that the status of the bullet points was made clear at a meeting on June 17, 2003 soon after the Deputy Assistant Attorney General with whom OGC had consulted on the bullet points had departed from the Department of Justice.

    June 20, 2003: [Note, this discussion relies on both the Final and Second Draft of the OPR Report, because different things are redacted in each; the Final appears to rely on additional Philbin input.] Scott Muller, another CIA person (probably a lawyer), Deputy White House Counsel David Leitch, John Bellinger, DOD OGC lawyer Whit Cobb, and one other person (probably Koester) met with Alberto Gonzales in his office to discuss how to respond to a June 2 letter from Patrick Leahy to Condi Rice asking whether our interrogation program is humane. The Final report describes a conflict over whether the torture program complied with CAT, and whether CIA had legal cover for CAT:

    According to Philbin, Muller stated at the meeting that the CIA had relied on the Bullet Points to establish that the EIT’s were consistent with Article 16. Philbin said he told Muller that the Bullet Points were an unsigned, undated
    document that was not on OLC letterhead and that he was unsure how they had been prepared. He told Muller that he could not rely on the Bullet Points as an OLC opinion.

    [snip]

    Philbin told OPR that he told the attendees at the meeting that he was not prepared to say that the EITs met the substantive requirements of the Fifth, Eighth, and Fourteenth Amendments because he had not done that analysis. He told them he was prepared to endorse the view that the EITs did not violate those provisions because those provisions did not apply. Philbin asserted that the Fourteenth Amendment applies to state and not federal government; the Eighth Amendment applies to punishment for crimes; and the Fifth Amendment did not apply extraterritorially in this situation at that time.

    The response to Leahy hedged on whether the program complied with CAT.

    The letter advised Senator Leahy that the United States Government complies with its domestic and international legal obligations not to engage in torture ‘and does not subject detainees to cruel, inhuman, or
    degrading treatment or punishment.

    After the drafting meeting, Muller, the CIA lawyer, and Bellinger had a detailed discussion of the waterboarding conducted in the CIA program.

    October 16, 2003: According to Scott Muller MFR, CIA gave “Legal Principles” document to Goldsmith when he was briefed on torture program on October 7.

    February 24, 2004: CIA OGC submits its comments on the draft OIG report.

    March 2, 2004: Even though Philbin told CIA–apparently on two separate occasions–that the “Legal Principles” were not an OLC product, that didn’t stop CIA from trying to claim they were again the following year with Goldsmith. In March 2004, the CIA included the “Legal Principles” document in a list of documents they asked Goldsmith to “reaffirm” (the other three were the August 1, 2002 memos). In that letter, Muller claimed,

    was prepared with OLC’s assistance and received the concurrence of your office in June 2003.

    Now, there’s a reason Muller pretended the “Legal Principles” document was valid even after Philbin had told him it wasn’t. As Muller explains,

    We rely on the applicable law and OLC guidance to assess the lawfulness of detention and interrogation techniques. For example, using the applicable law and relying on OLC’s guidance, we concluded that the abdominal slap previously discussed with OLC (and mentioned in the June 2003 summary points) is a permissible interrogation technique. Similarly, in addition to the sitting and kneeling stress positions discussed earlier with OLC, the Agency has added to its list of approved interrogation techniques two standing stress positions involving the detainee leaning against a wall.

    That is, CIA had relied on the document to introduce new torture techniques (and in the March 2004 letter was requesting authorization for two more–the water flick and water dousing). Of note, these are techniques that would later be authorized for Hassan Ghul, who was already in custody in March 2004, so it’s possible they used those techniques with him even before they requested this authorization.

    Goldsmith claims he “was unaware of the Bullet Points until he received Muller’s letter.” After making inquiries, he learned that Koester and Yoo had worked on the document.

    May 25, 2004: After receiving a copy of the final IG Report, which included the “Legal Principles” as appendices, Goldsmith asked CIA’s IG for an opportunity “to provide comments on the report’s discussion of OLC’s legal advice before the report was shared with Congress.”

    June 9, 2004: Goldsmith speaks to Yoo by phone about “Legal Principles.” The OPR Report describes:

    Yoo told Goldsmith that, to the extent [the "Legal Principles"] may have been used to apply the law to a set of facts, they did not constitute the official views of OLC. Yoo stated that “OLC did not generate the Bullet Points,
    and that, at most, OLC provided summaries of the legal views that were already in other OLC opinions.” Yoo reportedly added that “almost all of the OLC work on the Bullet Points was done by an Attorney [presumably Koester] who could never have signed off on such broad conclusions applying law to fact, especially in such a
    cursory and conclusory fashion.”

    [snip]

    Yoo· denied to Goldsmith that he authored or approved the Bullet Points. We found, however, that the Bullet Points were drafted in part and reviewed in their entirety by Yoo and [Koester] and that neither of them expressed any disagreement with their contents.

    June 10, 2004: Goldsmith informs the CIA that the “Legal Principles” document does not constitute an official OLC opinion.

    I have further inquired into the circumstances surrounding the creation of the bullet points in the spring of 2003. These inquiries have reconfirmed what I have conveyed to you before, namely, that the bullet points did not and do not represent an opinion or a statement of the views of this Office.

    OLC Withdraws Bybee as CIA Releases IG Report it Knows to be Inaccurate

    Then, in a series of events that are probably related, OLC prepared to withdraw the Bybee One Memo (the “organ failure” document) as CIA rushed out the IG Report it knew to misrepresent DOJ’s authorizations.

    June 14, 2004: Muller tells Goldsmith that “Legal Principles” were jointly prepared, that OLC knew they would be used in the CIA IG Report, and that they “served as a basis for the ‘Legal Authorities’ slide” used at July 29, 2003 briefing.

    June 15, 2004: After having attempted to draft a joint response to the CIA IG Report with OLC, CIA OGC tells OLC that they will not sign on a joint letter. Goldsmith informs Ashcroft he will withdraw Bybee Memo and resigns.

    June 17, 2004: Jack Goldsmith announces his resignation.

    June 18, 2004: Goldsmith writes Tenet telling him the IG Report mis-represents Ashcroft’s statements and falsely presents the “Legal Guidelines” document as official OLC opinion.

    June 22, 2004: In an off-the-record briefing, Comey, Goldsmith, and Philbin renounce Bybee Memo. Rizzo sends Philbin copy of earlier approval from Yoo. Muller responds to Goldsmith saying he had forwarded the complaints to John Helgerson, but would release the IG Report that week.

    June 23, 2004: Helgerson transmits copies of IG Report to Gang of Four. His cover letter states that the report had been prepared without input from DOJ, but attached Goldsmith’s June 18 letter.

    The Exposure on Cruel and Unusual Treatment

    All of which explains a number of things, not least the urgency behind the push for an opinion on whether the torture program complied with CAT’s prohibition on cruel and unusual treatment.

    July 15, 2004: CIA briefs Jello Jay and Pat Roberts on IG Report. At that point CIA claims to be seeking OLC’s legal analysis on whether the program was consistent with the substantive provisions of Article 16 of the Convention Against Torture.

    Later July, 2004: CIA briefs Principals; they agree to seek an OLC memo on CAT.

    May 30, 2005: Bradbury writes a memo claiming the torture program does not violate CAT’s Article 16.

    The Bradbury memo–in which he replaces Yoo’s claim that there is an exigent exception in CAT with a claim that because torture was necessary, it can’t shock the conscience–is legally not much better than the “Legal Principles.” But the CAT memo completes much of the work that the “Legal Principles” document was meant to do: to exempt treatment clearly designed to humiliate from prohibitions on cruel and inhuman treatment.

    Tags: Jennifer Koester, John Rizzo, John Yoo, Michael Chertoff, OPR Report, Patrick Leahy, Scott Muller

  • February 25, 05:09 PM
  • February 25, 05:09 PM
  • February 25, 03:42 PM

    What If They DID Use Mock Burial with Abu Zubaydah?

    I my last post, I showed that the CIA asked DOJ to approve the use of mock burial, but DOJ refused. I noted that the ICRC report doesn’t appear to show that Abu Zubaydah was subjected to mock burial (though he was subject to confinement in both a small and a larger box).

    But what if he was? What if, in the period before the torture memos, James Mitchell subjected Abu Zubaydah to mock burial, and DOJ later refused to give it retroactive approval?

    After all, John Yoo specifically said that mock burial violates the torture statute. If he said that–and OPR has records–then what does that mean for those who authorized and carried out mock burial?

    Abu Zubaydah’s “tiny coffin”

    Both Ali Soufan and Abu Zubaydah have compared the small box used in AZ’s torture to a coffin. Michael Isikoff reports Soufan’s description:

    At one point, Soufan discovered a dark wooden “confinement box” that the contractor had built for Abu Zubaydah. It looked, Soufan recalls, “like a coffin.”

    Which is why, apparently, he interpreted James Mitchell’s threat to use it as mock burial.

    And in The Dark Side, Jane Mayer reports that Abu Zubaydah referred to the small box they put him in as a “tiny coffin.”

    Zubayda’s “hard time” began when he was locked into the “tiny coffin” for hours on end, which he described as excruciatingly painful. It was too small for him to stand or stretch out, so small he said he had to double up his limbs in a fetal position. Because of his recently healed injuries, he described this position as particularly agonizing, since it caused his wounds to reopen. He described the box as black, both inside and out, and said that it was covered in towels, which he thought was an effort to constrict the flow of air inside. While locked in the dark interior, he had no way of knowing when, if ever, he would be let out. [my emphasis]

    Mayer attributes that particular phrase–”tiny coffin”–to Zubaydah’s conversations with the ICRC. But the phrase doesn’t appear in the ICRC report. Neither does AZ’s questions about whether he would ever be left out of the box.

    Two black wooden boxes were brought into the room outside my cell. One was tall, slightly higher than me and narrow. Measuring perhaps in area 1M X 0.75m and 2 m in height. The other was shorter, perhaps only 1m in height.

    [snip]

    After the beating I was then placed in the small box. They placed a cloth or cover over the box to cut out all light and restrict my air supply. As it was not high enough to even sit upright, I had to crouch down. It was very difficult because of my wounds. The stress on my legs hald in this position meant my wounds both in the leg and stomach became very painful. I think this occurred about 3 months after my last operation. It was always cold in the room, but when the cover was placed over the box it made it hot and sweaty inside. The wound on my leg began to open and started to bleed. I don’t know how long I remained in the small box, I think I may have slept or maybe fainted.

    I was then dragged from the small box, unable to walk properly and put on what looked like a hospital bed, and strapped down very tightly with belts. A black cloth was then placed over my fact and the interrogators used a mineral water bottle to pour water on the cloth so that I could not breathe.

    [snip]

    [describing how things got better] The tall box was removed, but the short one remained in the room outside my cell, I think as a deliberate reminder as to what my interrogators were capable of.

    So someone else has told Mayer that AZ compared this small box procedure to a “tiny coffin,” and that he didn’t know if he would ever get out, both descriptions that would support the notion that it was mock burial.

    Update: Reader SS reminds me that Katherine Eban, who did some of the earliest work on Mitchell and Jessen, reported this:

    As Zubaydah clammed up, Mitchell seemed to conclude that Zubaydah would talk only when he had been reduced to complete helplessness and dependence. With that goal in mind, the C.I.A. team began building a coffin in which they planned to bury the detainee alive.

    A furor erupted over the legality of this move, which does not appear to have been carried out.

    So it was described as a coffin by the torturers and it was the source of the legal concerns about the torture. Which leaves the question of whether it was or was not carried out. And the question of CIA continued trying to get this approved until just days before the Bybee Memos were completed.

    The missing evidence

    There is another possible source of that language: AZ’s own diaries. The diaries the government refuses to hand over to him, but in which we know he described the treatment he was subjected to.

    And then there are the videotapes. If Mitchell conducted a mock burial, it would show up in the videotapes. Of course, it might appear on the videotapes that were blank by the time John Helgerson got to them, particularly since we know that the small box confinement happened just before some of the waterboarding.

    OIG found 11 interrogation videos to be blank. Two others were blank except for one or two minutes of recording. Two others were broken and could not be reviewed. OIG compared the videotapes to [redacted] logs and cables and identified a 21-hour period of time, which included two waterboard sessions, that was not captured on the videotapes.

    In AZ’s version, waterboarding closely followed the small box confinement, meaning it might appear in the 21-hour block of time that also includes those two waterboarding sessions.

    And while we’re talking about missing evidence, surely Yoo had discussions about mock burial on those emails that have disappeared…

    The OLC memos

    Consider, too, how this would affect the development of the OLC memos. By April 11, CIA asked DOJ for torture approval. Several weeks later, James Mitchell threatened Abu Zubaydah with mock burial. Soufan told him that was torture. As Mayer describes:

    [Mitchell] announced that the interrogators needed to get tougher. The FBI agents, according to one version of events, were so appalled they urged top FBI officials to have Mitchell arrested.

    Fearful they would be implicated, and adamantly opposed to what Mitchell proposed doing, the FBI agents picked up and left. In the following days, reports of deliberate prisoner abuse reached the top rungs of the FBI, causing the Director, Mueller, to bar the Bureau’s personnel from participating in the CIA’s coercive interrogations.

    [snip]

    Before the FBI agents left, they relayed to their bosses an interesting exchange about torture they said they had with Mitchell. “We don’t do that,” they said they had protested. “It’s what our enemies do!” Mitchell, they said, denied that he was using torture. Instead, he referred oddly to its being all about countering “resistance.”

    We know a little bit about what happened at DOJ from Glenn Fine’s investigation into torture.

    [FBI Assistant Director of Counterterrorism Pasquale] D’Amuro said he discussed the Zubaydah matter with Director Mueller and later met with Michael Chertoff (then the Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division), Alice Fisher (at the time the Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division), and possibly David Kelley (who was then the First Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York) in Chertoff’s office in the Justice Department. D’Amuro said his purpose was to discuss how the FBI could “add value” by participating in the interviews of “highvalue detainees” because the FBI already knew the subjects so well. D’Amuro told the OIG that during the meeting he learned that the CIA had obtained a legal opinion from DOJ that certain techniques could legally be used, including sleep deprivation, noise, and constant light, and that the CIA had sought approval for a technique involving placing a cloth over a detainee’s face and dripping water so the detainee could not breathe. D’Amuro stated that Chertoff and Fisher made it clear that the CIA had requested the legal opinion from Attorney General Ashcroft.

    The DOJ IG Report places this meeting some time in July or August, during the period when Yoo was busy working on the torture memo. The OPR report notes that sometime between July 13 and July 16, Chertoff asked Yoo to write CIA a letter refusing to give advance declination–basically, a promise that they would not prosecute anything involved with the torture program.

    Some time between July 13, 2002 and July 16, 2002, Chertoff asked Yoo to draft a letter to the CIA stating that the Department does not issue pre-activity declination letters.

    And the OPR report closely ties Chertoff’s refusal to give advance declination with the FBI’s unwillingness to participate in torture sessions.

    [large redacted section describing a mid-July meeting about the memos]

    In his OPR interview, Chertoff stated that he told group that in his view, it would not be possible for the Department to provide an advance declination. Rizzo confirmed, in his interview, that Chertoff flatly refused to provide any form of advance declination to the CIA. Although Bybee was not present at this meeting, he told us that he was aware that “there was some discussion with the criminal division over the question of providing advance immunity… [and that it] was not their practice, to provide that kind of advance [sic].”

    According to several sources, [then FBI Chief of Staff Daniel] Levin stated that the FBI would not conduct or participate in any interrogations employing EITs, whether or not they were found to be legal, and that the FBI would not participate in any further discussions of this subject.

    [long redacted section continuing discussion of meeting]

    After Chertoff refused to give advance declination, Yoo met with Alberto Gonzales, Tim Flanigan, and David Addington. It appears they told him to accomplish the same goal–to give CIA a Get Out of Jail Free card–by including sections on whether the Commander-in-Chief can order torture, and what affirmative defenses torturers might use.

    On July 24, 2002, Yoo gave Rizzo oral approval to use a number of techniques, but it appears from the redaction on PDF page 59, that he said DOJ would need more data from CIA on waterboarding and at least one other technique, which might be use of insects but is more likely mock burial. And, shortly thereafter, Yoo told Rizzo that getting an approval for mock burial would hold up approval for other things, like waterboarding.

    At some point thereafter, according to Rizzo [redacted] OLC told the CIA that approval for the remaining techniques would take longer if [redacted--almost certainly mock burial] were part of the EIT program. Rizzo remembered Yoo asking how important the technique was to the CIA, because it would “take longer” to complete the memorandum if it were included.

    Now, consider how the specific solution devised in a meeting with Addington and Gonzales matches up to what we know about the program. Ari Shaprio has reported that the CIA got approval early in Abu Zubaydah’s torture from the White House–specifically, Gonzales.

    The source says nearly every day, Mitchell would sit at his computer and write a top-secret cable to the CIA’s counterterrorism center. Each day, Mitchell would request permission to use enhanced interrogation techniques on Zubaydah. The source says the CIA would then forward the request to the White House, where White House counsel Alberto Gonzales would sign off on the technique. That would provide the administration’s legal blessing for Mitchell to increase the pressure on Zubaydah in the next interrogation.

    Isikoff describes Soufan reporting the same thing.

    He told him in April 2002 that the aggressive techniques already had gotten approval from the “highest levels” in Washington, says Soufan. The official even waved a document in front of Soufan, saying the approvals “are coming from Gonzales,” a reference to Alberto Gonzales, then the White House counsel and later the attorney general. (A lawyer for Gonzales declined to comment.)

    And in Yoo’s first response to the OPR memo, Miguel Estrada repeatedly emphasized that Yoo’s analysis would only apply to torture personally authorized by the President.

    The Bybee Memo started by considering whether the statute might be construed so as not to apply to the President, and only considered the constitutional question in the event the statute were deemed to apply and the President himself personally decided that particular interrogations that arguably violated it were warranted. Bybee Memo at 33-35 (discussing constitutional avoidance).

    [snip]

    In fact, OPR does not appear to dispute that the constitutional discussion was premised on potential actions the President might take personally, or that Professor Y00 conveyed this understanding to the CIA, but merely notes that Professor Y00 “admitted” that the memorandum itself “was probably not as explicit as it could have been.” D.R. 156. Yet the Bybee Memo signaled this understanding clearly enough for the sophisticated audience to which this discussion was addressed. The memo notes, for example, “[S]ection 2340A, as applied to interrogations of enemy combatants ordered by the President pursuant to his Commander-in-Chief power would be unconstitutional.” Bybee Memo at 39 (emphasis added); see also id. at 36 (“[C]ongress cannot compel the President to prosecute outcomes taken pursuant to the President’s own constitutional authority.”) (emphasis added); id at 38 [emphasis all original]

    Yoo makes an insistent argument that he only argued that if President Bush, personally (emphasized repeatedly), authorized torture, then Congress couldn’t make him prosecute it.

    And that is precisely what has happened.

    Durham’s investigation

    There’s one more detail that this scenario would explain. A recent torture tape FOIA included thirteen documents that, John Durham said, could not be turned over because they related to his ongoing investigation. With most of the documents, it is clear from the Vaughn Index how they relate to his investigation:

    • An October 25, 2002 cable explaining “the security risks” if the videotapes are retained
    • Cables from December 2002 to January 2003, as CIA discusses how to shut down the black site and what to do with the videotapes
    • An undated email scheduling a meeting to discuss the destruction of the tapes (neighbor emails concern joint CIA-White House attempts, in February 2003, to respond to Jane Harman’s warning not to destroy the torture tapes)
    • An August 4, 2003 cable discussion of the “disposition” of the tapes; this would have been after Helgerson reviewed the tapes, found them not only incomplete, but also judged they showed the torturers had not followed the memos; at some point, too, Helgerson announced an investigation into the tapes themselves
    • Four cables from November 8 and 9, 2005, asking for permission to destroy the tapes and confirming their destruction
    • A late November 2005 “backgrounder” discussing the destruction of the tapes (presumably showing who was informed of the destruction)
    • An October 5, 2007 cable, copying the November 2005 destruction approval, that seems to be internal discovery of the problem

    So these cables all seem to trace how the torturers tried to justify destroying the tapes, and who was in the loop in those discussions.

    But the first of the cables identified by Durham as central to his investigation never made sense to me:

    Date of Document: 4/27/2002

    From: CIA/CIA

    Subject: AZ Interrogations

    Document Pages: 1

    This document is a one-page email from a CIA officer to another CIA officer, with several additional CIA officers and attorneys copied. The email contains information relating to the interrogation of Abu Zubaydah, including information relating to classified counter-terrorism operations. The email also contains information relating to intelligence sources and methods and the identities of personnel engaged in counter terrorism operations. The document is withheld in part on the bases of FOIA exemptions b(1), b(3), b(6), and b(7)(A). The Agency was prepared to release this document in part, but Special Prosecutor Durham has claimed FOIA Exemption b(7) over the information the Agency proposed to release, which has resulted in the document being denied in full.

    The email was written two weeks after they started taping the interrogations. It was written before–even according to Abu Zubaydah’s recall–they started waterboarding him. It’s too short to discuss much in detail.

    But there are two potential things this email could be that would explain why it is central to Durham’s investigation. (Mind you, these are wildarsed guesses.) First, April 27 is around the time when Ali Soufan objected when James Mitchell threatened to use mock burial with Abu Zubaydah. Also, if a cable made it clear that Mitchell and others considered the small box to be part of mock burial, then the email would be a critical piece of evidence showing the use of it was considered by the torturers to be mock burial.

    John Yoo says mock burial is torture

    As I pointed out in my last post, the first draft of the OPR report makes it clear that John Yoo told them that mock burial violates the torture statute.

    Although Yoo told us that he had concluded that the mock burial technique would violate the torture statute, he nevertheless told the client, according to Fredman and Rizzo, that he would “need more time” if they wanted it approved. [my emphasis]

    Yet it’s possible that, by the time he wrote his memo, the torturers had already used it with Abu Zubaydah. If so, they likely did so with authorization from Alberto Gonzales–one of the two or three people who told Yoo to include a Commander-in-Chief defense in the Bybee One memo just as advance declination and mock burial were being excluded from it.

    Tags: Abu Zubaydah, Alberto Gonzales, Ali Soufan, Daniel Levin, David Addington, Glenn Fine, James Mitchell, Jane Harman, John Durham, John Helgerson, John Yoo, Miguel Estrada, OPR Memo

  • February 25, 09:29 AM

    The Mock Burial in the OPR Report

    CIA’s torturers asked DOJ to let them use mock burials. But DOJ said no.

    PDF page 42 of the OPR Report (searchable copy here) includes a list of the torture techniques that Mitchell and Jessen recommended be used with Abu Zubaydah. Whereas the Bybee Two Techniques memo approves ten techniques, Mitchell and Jessen recommended twelve. In other words, Mitchell and Jessen asked for two techniques to be approved that did not get specific approval.

    One of these (technique 10) is diapering. We know they used diapers anyway as it was a critical element of their sleep deprivation and stress position techniques.

    Technique 12 remains redacted in this report. But as I pointed out last week, PDF page 178 of the First Draft includes an unredacted reference to the technique.

    Goldsmith viewed the Yoo Memo itself as a “blank check” that could be used to justify additional EITs without further DOJ review. Although Yoo told us that he had concluded that the mock burial technique would violate the torture statute, he nevertheless told the client, according to Fredman and Rizzo, that he would “need more time” if they wanted it approved. [my emphasis]

    The twelfth technique–which Mitchell and Jessen wanted approved but which Yoo excluded because of the rush to approve waterboarding–is mock burial.

    There must have been significant discussion about the decision to exclude mock burial from the Bybee Two memo, because the reference to its exclusion in the report itself (PDF page 60 in the Final Report) includes a page and a half of redactions following the discussion of leaving it out.

    That redaction almost certainly includes a discussion of why mock burial was so important to include in the memo: Because we know that James Mitchell threatened to use it in May 2002. And after Mitchell did threaten to use it, Ali Soufan called it “borderline torture.” After he told FBI’s Counterterrorism Assistant Director Pasquale D’Amuro about the technique, D’Amuro instructed him to leave the black site. As follow-up to this meeting, a bunch of DOJ bigwigs–including Michael Chertoff–had a meeting about Abu Zubaydah’s interrogation. At about the same time, Chertoff refused to give the CIA advance declination of prosecution for torture.

    Curiously, the DOJ’s IG Report on torture says the CIA asked for 10 torture techniques to be included in its OLC memo, not 12.

    Now, it’s not clear whether Mitchell and Jessen ever did use mock burial with Abu Zubaydah. Zubdaydah didn’t mention it in the narrative he gave to the ICRC of his treatment.

    But there are two more reasons why Yoo’s refusal to approve mock burial is dangerous for the CIA. First, an FBI agent told CIA and DOJ that the technique was borderline torture. Nevertheless, the CIA asked to have the technique available to it.

    Also, any legal discussion of why mock burial would be a problem would focus on how torture statutes prohibit the threat of imminent death. Yet after mock burial was specifically excluded as a torture technique, CIA torturers went on to threaten detainees with a power drill and a gun. In other words, someone at that CIA had already been told, specifically, that they could not use the threat of imminent death on detainees. But on at least two occasions, they did so anyway.

    Tags: Abu Zubaydah, Ali Soufan, James Mitchell, John Rizzo, John Yoo, Michael Chertoff, Mitchell and Jessen, OPR Report

  • February 21, 07:25 PM
  • February 21, 05:51 AM

    The Emails the Bush Lawyers Were So Worried About

    As I noted yesterday (though I got the details slightly wrong), the OPR report revealed that a number of John Yoo and Patrick Philbin’s emails had been deleted (and that Goldsmith’s had been deleted but were subsequently recovered).

    OLC initially provided us with a relatively small number of emails, files, and draft documents. After it became apparent, during the course of our review, that relevant documents were missing, we requested and were given direct access to the email and computer records of Yoo, Philbin, Bybee, and Goldsmith. However, we were told that most of Yoo’s email records had been deleted and were not recoverable. Philbin’s email records from July 2002 through August 5, 2002 – the time period in which the. Bybee. Memo was completed and the Classified Bybee Memo (discussed below) was created – had also been deleted and were reportedly not recoverable. Although we were initially advised that Goldsmith’s records had been deleted, we were later told that they had been recovered and we were given access to them.

    That’s particularly interesting, because several times in the year-long lead up to the release of the report, we’ve seen reports that Bush Administration members were squirmy about the number of emails OPR had gotten. Michael Isikoff first reported concern from Bush lawyers that OPR got emails from the memo contributors last February.

    OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted.

    I wondered whether reappearing emails was of particular concern to those trying to cover up Bush crimes here. Then there was the remarkably bad NYT story from June 6, 2009, that not only revealed the presence of the emails and included the damning Comey ones, but spun them just as Steven Bradbury would have liked them, as an attack on Comey rather than what they were, an indictment of the drafting process.

    All of this anxiety about emails could just be an expression of Bradbury’s worries (retrospectively, it looks much more likely than it already did that he was the source of the emails and the spin to the NYT).

    If so, though, that’s particularly interesting since we know that OPR originally got a very limited batch of emails from Steven Bradbury (this was in 2004, before he would write his own torture memos).

    On August 31,2004, Bradbury gave OPR copies of unclassified documents relating to the Bybee Memo, including email and documents from the computer hard drives and files of the former OLC attorneys who worked on the project.

    But reports of the anxiety about emails are all the more interesting given the emails that are included in the report. Perhaps the most damning example is the email in which Yoo refers to Abu Zubaydah as “Boo Boo” (which Spencer reported on Friday):

    On July 30,2002, Yoo asked [Koester] by email, “[D]o we know if Boo boo is allergic to certain insects?” [Koester] responded,”No idea, but I’ll check with [redacted].

    In addition, email evidence provided the basis for [Special thanks, again, to burnt for making searchable copies of these reports that made compiling this list much easier]:

    • The start date of the Bybee One drafting process, April 11, 2002
    • Timing or summaries of key meetings, including some with Alberto Gonzales
    • Yoo’s comments on drafts sent to Jennifer Koester, his side-kick in the writing process
    • Details of Bybee’s involvement in the drafting process
    • Proof that Yoo didn’t intend to write the Commander-in-Chief or possible defenses before his July 16, 2002 meeting with Gonzales (and probably David Addington and/or Tim Flanigan)
    • Evidence that Yoo consulted with a university law professor on common law defenses (the second draft, but not the first and final, shows that this was a university professor)
    • Indication that Yoo and Koester didn’t start the Bybee Two (Techniques) memo until July 25, 2002 or later
    • Details on the pressure the White House was putting on Yoo to get the memos done
    • Details of who received the opinions including–a fact that Yoo later denied–DOD
    • Complaints Koester received from DOD’s Working Group that the Yoo Memo was too extreme
    • Proof that both Michael Chertoff and John Yoo told CIA’s Inspector General they would wait to investigate alleged crimes until he was done with his investigation
    • Goldsmith’s opinions about the Bybee One Memo, including his judgment that it constituted a “blank check”
    • Comey’s emails documenting his concerns about the May 10, 2005 Combined Memo and his belief that Bradbury was responding to White House pressure because he wanted the AAG position

    In other words, the emails provide a key piece of evidence that the White House was responsible for the way in which the Bybee One memo served as a blank check, as well as the pressure the White House put on the lawyers as they were drafting the memos.

    The emails put the White House squarely in the drafting process.

    But that’s all with most emails from John Yoo and Patrick Philbin still disappeared.

    It sort of makes you all the more curious about what was in the Yoo and Philbin emails that got deleted, huh?

  • February 20, 02:01 PM

    Kosher Roses

    diyosa posted a photo:

    Kosher Roses

    Shot with Seth's Canonet. I thought nothing would come of this roll because the rangefinder made me crazy and I was constantly cursing the damn thing. But, i did get a few decent shots.

  • February 19, 09:01 PM

    Justice Department Will Not Punish Yoo and Bybee Because Most Lawyers Are Scum Anyway

    At long last we have the Department of Justice report on the professional conduct of John Yoo and Judge Jay Bybee in writing the infamous torture memos, along with previous versions of the Office of Professional Responsibility report and responses by Yoo and Bybee. Upon reviewing the OPR's report and recommendations, Associate Deputy Attorney General David Margolis concluded in a 69 page memo that the DOJ should release the Office of Professional Responsibility report for public review but that the Justice Department would not refer a finding of misconduct to state and local bar committees where Yoo and Bybee are members.

    In deciding not to refer charges to state bar committees, Margolis does not tell us that Yoo and Bybee behaved admirably or according to the high standards that we should expect from Justice Department lawyers. Indeed, he says the opposite. Yoo and Bybee exercised poor judgment and let the Justice Department down. But Margolis argues that the Office of Professional Responsibility chose too high a standard to judge the professional responsibility of Yoo and Bybee. The OPR argued that Yoo and Bybee had "a duty to exercise independent legal judgment and to render thorough, objective, and candid legal advice." This standard, Margolis explained, is much too high a requirement and not one that Yoo and Bybee were previously warned was the standard to which they would be held.

    I know what you are probably saying: shouldn't every government lawyer have to live up to this standard? Of course, they should, but the point is that this is a disciplinary proceeding. It's not about what people should do, but about how badly they have to screw things up before they are subject to professional sanctions.

    Instead, Margolis argues that, judging by (among other things) a review of D.C. bar rules, the standard for attorney misconduct is set pretty damn low, and is only violated by lawyers who (here I put it colloquially) are the scum of the earth. Lawyers barely above the scum of the earth are therefore excused.

    Margolis concludes that Yoo and Bybee exercised poor judgment and made bad legal arguments. But lawyers often make arguments that are bad or even laughably bad, and this by itself does not violate the very low standard set by rules of professional responsibility. These rules are set up by jurisdictions to weed out the worst offenders, leaving the rest of the legal profession to make entirely stupid, disingenuous and asinine arguments that normal people with functioning moral consciences would not make. That is to say, rules of professional misconduct are aimed at weeding out sociopaths and people driven to theft and egregious incompetence by serious drug and alcohol abuse problems; they do not guarantee that lawyers will do right by their clients, or, in this case, by the Constitution and laws of the United States of America. In effect, by setting the standard of conduct so low, rules of professional conduct effectively work to protect all those lawyers out there whose moral standing is just a hair's breadth above your average mass murderer. This is how the American legal profession simultaneously polices and takes care of its own.

    To show misconduct, according to the standard that Margolis finds most relevant, one would have to show that Yoo or Bybee intentionally made arguments that they knew were wrong and false or did so not caring whether they were wrong or false. That standard could not be met for Jay Bybee, because Bybee was, to put it bluntly, an empty suit who relied on the advice of others and didn't analyze the memos all that closely. He just signed the papers. This makes him pathetic, but not, in Margolis's view, someone who unambiguously violated existing rules of professional responsibility.

    As for John Yoo, Margolis explains (although he puts it far more diplomatically) that Yoo was an ideologue who entered government service with a warped vision of the world in which he sincerely believed. Yoo had crazy ideas even before he entered government; which strongly suggests that he probably shouldn't have been hired in the first place. Therefore it is hard to conclude that Yoo deliberately gave advice that he knew was wrong to the CIA. Yoo isn't putting people on when he says the absurd things he says in these memos and elsewhere. He actually believes that the President is a dictator and that the President doesn't have to obey statutes that make torture a crime. He actually believes that you should read the torture statute so narrowly that it lets the CIA torture people. John Yoo used every trick in the book to twist the law because he actually believes in a law that is twisted. And Margolis points out that other department lawyers, who, presumably, did have properly functioning consciences and were not seriously incompetent, looked at the torture memos and told Bybee that, on the whole, in the context of the limited audience for the memos, and putting aside their most ridiculous claims, the torture memos made defensible legal arguments of the kind that lawyers sometimes make on behalf of their clients. It is important to understand that Margolis reached this conclusion not because Yoo's arguments were just or sensible, or even plausible, but because lawyers can make really really crazy arguments and still avoid professional sanction. This is less a defense of Yoo than an indictment of the doctrines of professional responsibility.

    Margolis concludes (p. 67), perhaps more in sorrow than in anger, that Yoo did not intentionally give incorrect legal advice, although, Margolis admits that "[i]t is a close question." He notes that "OPR's findings and my decision are less important than the public's ability to make its own judgments about these documents and learn lessons for the future."

    Margolis' last point is especially important, since the former Vice-President of the United States is now going around the country telling people that he supports waterboarding and actively sought to use it when he was in office. Put differently, there is at least one member of the previous Administration walking around that is an admitted war criminal, although, to be sure, confessing to the elements of a war crime on television apparently does not, at least in this country, lead to any serious danger that one will actually be prosecuted for such crimes.

    Whether or not the DOJ refers Yoo and Bybee for professional discipline, no one should think that either man behaved according to the high standards we should expect of government attorneys. They, and the government officials who worked with them, shamed this nation. They dragged America's reputation in the dirt. They severely damaged our good name in the eyes of the world. They undermined the values this country stands for and that the legal profession should stand for. Nothing the DOJ does now--or fails to do--will change that.


  • February 19, 04:56 AM

    Terrorist attack in Austin, TX

    Despite the title of this CNN article - Remains of 2 found after Austin plane crash - this was a domestic terror attack, in which at least one innocent person was killed, others were injured, and many more were terrorized, all in the name of hatred of the U.S. government.

    A brave man and Iraq war veteran, Robin Dehaven, rushed into the burning building and saved people from the fire caused by this act of suicide terrorism.
    Witnesses described a scene of panic, fire and smoke. Lyric Olivarez, who was working in a nearby building, told CNN affiliate KXAN that she felt her building shake when the plane crashed.

    "It sounded like an explosion, but it felt like an earthquake," Olivarez said. "Someone came into our office and said there was a bomb in the building next door. We had no idea it was a plane at the time."

    When she and others ran outside, they saw the neighboring building in flames.

    "People on the second and third floors were busting out windows, screaming, 'Help me! Help me! Get me out of here!' waving handkerchiefs or whatever they could find," Olivarez told KXAN.

    "Not before long, the entire parking lot was filled with smoke, and people praying and crying," she said.

    "I just saw smoke and flames," said CNN iReporter Mike Ernest. "I could not believe what I was seeing. It was just smoke and flames everywhere."

    Dehaven said that as he was driving before the crash, he could see the plane flying low, approaching the building.

    "I saw it turn and start heading down like it was diving to come in for a landing, but there's no landing [strip]," he said. "So I knew it was going to crash."

    He said his 6½ years in the Army, with two tours in Iraq, helped him Thursday.

    "I've had some experience in triage and battlefield, with ... gunfire," he said. "My first thought [was] maybe I can help, because I'm more used to dealing with traumatic situations like that.

    "I have a clear head and a calm head to try to help those people, and luckily I did."
    Can anyone doubt that if this plane had been piloted into a federal building by a Muslim angry at the U.S. government for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, CNN and all other news media would be calling it a terrorist attack?

    I remember the last terror attack on a federal building - on April 19, 1995, when Timothy McVeigh drove a truck full of explosives into the Murrah building in Oklahoma City. 168 people died. I was living in Somerville, Mass., at the time, and was on the road either to or from a temporary teaching job at Bates College in Maine. I heard the account on the radio of what happened.

    I hope that this domestic terror attack is not the harbinger of more such attacks, driven by the anti-government hate rhetoric of the radical right.

    Want evidence that such sentiments are out there? LGF posted an article about a Tea Party meeting in Washington State where one woman called for the hanging of U.S. Senator Patty Murphy. At this same meeting there was a sign calling for the castration of President Obama (remember, that's what often happened to the black men who were lynched by the thousands from the late 19th through the mid-20th centuries - and to the everlasting shame of the United States, Congress never passed an anti-lynching law, because of the legislative power of the southern states).

    The SPLC puts this attack in context:
    This morning’s attack by Joseph Andrew Stack against an IRS office building in Austin, Tex., is a reminder again of how extreme hatred of government can morph into violence. Since the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) has documented 75 domestic terrorist plots, most of which involved individuals with extreme antigovernment views. One of the plots, if carried out, would have resulted in the deaths of some 30,000 people.

    Stack’s actions come as the number of antigovernment “Patriot” and militia groups is rising fast, as revealed by the SPLC this past summer. In the 1990s, the combustible mix of rising antigovernment anger and the growth in militias was a recipe for disaster that ultimately resulted in the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building by Timothy McVeigh, who was motivated by antigovernment hatred.

    “This attack comes amid the absolutely explosive growth of the right-wing militias and the larger antigovernment ‘Patriot’ movement, which includes thousands of so-called tax protesters who believe the federal income tax is illegal” said Mark Potok, director of the SPLC’s Intelligence Project. “There is a populist rage out there about what is seen as the coddling of rapacious elites, like the mortgage bankers who kept receiving multimillion dollar bonuses, even as working Americans seem to keep losing more and more.”
    Let's see how many conservatives condemn this as a terrorist attack.
  • February 17, 01:14 PM

    Crowdfunding: the new black? Or the scourge of the earth? You decide!

    Though it's been eight months since I actually launched the crowdfunding for my book (and then wrote about how it was going), it seems to have kicked up a new firestorm of discussion over the past weekend. Much of it began on Twitter; then a few people wrote up blog posts covering it. I only discovered the discussion after it was well underway (evidently I'm difficult to track down online, and not much of a conversationalist anyways, heh), so the last few days have been spent correcting factual errors and offering catch-up insight as to why I believe so deeply in this model. I'm hoping now to sum up a few of the arguments I've made elsewhere, but moreso I'd like to pull back and look at some big picture issues.

    For background, here are the series of posts that sum up the first discussions on Twitter, and subsequent responses:

    There seem to be two sets of argument made against crowdfunding in much of the discussion I've seen: one, it reveals the funding seeker as a shameless self-promoter and snake-oil salesperson; two, it destroys the ethos of publishing either by allowing publishers to never have to produce advances again, or by allowing just any ol' work to be produced without blood/sweat/tears.â„¢

    What this revealed to me were first some fundamental misunderstandings of my own project, and later, some fundamental misunderstandings–or even outright denial–of the massive upheaval all of media is experiencing. To clarify some points about my own project, for those who are new to the discussion or new to my corner of the world, my professional life as a technologist has largely been spent in industries that accept the ethos of community-supported work: arts organizations, independent media, non-profit advocacy, etc. In these spheres, we're used to receiving regular appeals for ongoing organizational support, or emergencies, or proposals for new projects. So, it certainly wasn't a stretch for me to reach out in a similar way to the people who make up that community and believe in that tradition.

    Also, some people seemed to think I was "charging" $100 for my book up front, before actually writing it. Mais non! I was using the PBS model of fundraising, where you donate $100 and feel good about yourself, and then you also get the bonus tote bag. (Tell me if you find someone that believes they purchased a totebag from PBS for a hundred bucks. Heh.) Because my community is familiar with the work I've done over the years, they understand that the project I was proposing (writing about a fundamental, progressive cultural shift) was ultimately beneficial to our community for their ability to thrive in the new tech era. Many decided to support that, shockingly, without needing me to hold guns to their heads. (Also worth noting is that every person I received a donation from, save one, has a personal relationship with me.)

    The focus on who-gave-what-why revealed just how deeply entrenched an exclusively market-based mindset is in our culture. People in the discussion are so focused on the transactional moment–who gave to the project? how much did they give? what did they get in return?–that they are unable (or unwilling) to see both how market forces have long tainted the media process. It's hard for many to imagine a scenario where someone cooks up an idea, a bunch of others support it, the work gets produced, and everyone lives happily ever after. There simply must be quid-pro-quo or sleight-of-hand somewhere in this process, because that's how markets work.

    As my friend Steve pointed out in his comments, there is a different economy at work–the gift economy. Using that model, people do things because they think they're generally a good idea. (I wrote about this in my book, since the gift economy is so fundamental to how healthy social networks operate.) To some, I get the sense that they think I've stolen my donors' money–what happens if my book becomes successful enough to make some money? Then I've doubly won! My evil plan will have worked. World domination next. No, seriously… I've thought about that, and I have made plans to account for it and will reach out to my awesome people if that happens. Which of course, you can say, of course you say that now, but it's up to you to believe me or not.

    Which is the whole point of the gift economy: do you trust me? Do you believe me? What kind of track record have I built up in this economy? Do I donate time and money to other projects? Do I reach out to my connections when someone else is in need? Am I known to have influence in a particular crowd, and use that influence justly? Do people consider me talented at what I do, and I able to get access to more talent from others when needed? All of those things make up my social capital, and I chose to spend my social capital on the crowdfunding of my book. It could have flopped miserably if I hadn't been a pretty alright person in the world. People made their assessments on their belief in the value of my project and my reputation, and either gave me money, or didn't. It's as simple as that.

    Each of us being able to make our own decisions about what we value and what we don't, and then seeing work produced based on our values, seems to be one of the underlying themes that threatens many in the publishing and journalism industries. Book publishing in particular is seen as this time-honored tradition of creating works that go into that Big Canon in the Sky. I know I felt this when I first considered the prospect of writing a book — something else that's different about my situation is that I was approached by a friend and colleague at the publisher, Johanna Vondeling, who had been asking for some time if I'd ever considered writing a book. Part of the reason I rejected her for at least a couple years was because I was plainly terrified of that idea of producing something to a state of perfection that it would need to be in, in my opinion, to be part of aforementioned canon.

    The way this process has traditionally worked is that publishers and others with power/influence deem someone worthy enough to be part of that. Someone (actually, a group of people at the publisher) did that for me, too, but instead of taking their money, I decided to take their process instead, and work out the money on my own. One of the reasons I wanted Berrett-Koehler's process, over being tossed a pittance–if anything at all–is their committment to producing the author's vision of the work. So, if I were to go to a publisher who offered me an advance, how much would I have had to change the work I produced based on what the publisher wanted me to do? Too often I've heard from friends and colleagues who've written books that they were forced to make changes to make it more commercially viable… so that the publisher was guaranteed making up the advance.

    That's another big sticking point right there: one side of this debate feels that allowing "just anyone" to donate their money to my project will give them undue influence over the work that's produced. First of all, that assumes I'd let that happen. Which, as anyone in my community knows, I sure as hell wouldn't. Outside of that, it also assumes that works produced in the traditional model have the purest intentions and zero monetary influence. I find that hard to swallow, and there's certainly enough evidence out there that says otherwise. A multinational company throwing money at little old me isn't going to have a say over what I'm able to do under their umbrella? Working with Berrett-Koehler, the only restraint I experienced is that Johanna wouldn't let me even come close to swearing, and my mom thanks her for that. (I wanted to use "BS" at one point.)

    So now, it's not just up to institutions to bless or dismiss projects outright–it can be any conglomeration of people pooling together to fund someone or something they believe in. In many circles, we consider this a part of community building, and are happy to participate when all of our values align. Others don't see fundraising as community-building, they clearly only see money in the transactional terms I spoke of earlier. That's a shame. But what's an even bigger shame is that most of those disagreeing with my tactics don't seem to believe in community-building at all–they are largely stuck in an old model of broadcast and response, of pedestals and ivory towers… ultimately, of cliques and isolation. Those people will be left behind as the rest of us work on connecting, creating, and conversing.

    I'm reminded of when the Publisher's Weekly story about my crowdfunding was first published, and a stranger on Twitter called the whole thing "tacky." Curious as to how she ended up there, I asked her. In the following discussion, she came around to the fact that it wasn't me or my tactic that she was frustrated with, it was the fact that authors are expected more and more to do everything for a book–write it, market it, sell it… and now fundraise for it? This is a painful part of the change process, for sure. Everyone's roles are changing. Editor's don't just edit, for example; this I can tell you for sure from my experience with Johanna the Wondereditor. Anyone working in just about any aspect of media today is expected to have a far wider skill set then ever before: writing, some knowledge of HTML, bonus if you can do online video, etc., for less money than ever before. And many are suffering because of that.

    Which brings me back to an earlier point: maybe market models are failing information and media altogether. I had this conversation about possible similarities of journalism and art paradigms with Andrew Golis, who works for Yahoo! News building a blog network… a key point I want to bring into this discussion:

    For eons, there have been many avenues the artist can follow: commercial (Hallmark cards, pop music, etc), government-funded (NEA grants, NYSCA grants, etc), foundation funded (Yaddo retreats, what have you), family funded, collective supported, street selling (a form of commercial, for sure)… and any blend of those above is becoming more and more prominent.

    Art, despite the instability that Andrew rightly calls out, hasn't disappeared, tho. Art hasn't even gotten worse, just more available. There is always cynicism about popular culture, but that's too easy of a target. There's just more of everything available to us. If you're a musician, for example, it's easier than ever to get your work heard by more people than just your friends. But not paid for by a whole bunch, probably. That's the sticker, eh? A few years ago, as Napster started ticking off the recording industry, someone said that it was clearer than ever what the musician's job is: not to sell records, but to travel around and play for people. That's what they've always done, and that's what they're returning to.

    Journalism is grasping at straws for a new model to pay everyone's salaries. The old model, though, was in many ways distorted, and probably distended. Maybe it's not, however, that journalistic endeavors are going to be the new starving artists… maybe it's that news producers and art makers need to get their heads together and figure out how we're going to create not a model, but a whole new system that creates thrivable conditions for creators to get their jobs done.

    I created the conditions to have a thrivable summer for producing my book. Nothing extraordinary: I paid my rent, I ate sufficiently, and I visited my parents, all while writing the first 30,000 words of a book. This makes people angry. I'm not entirely sure why; some have pointed to jealousy but I'm not sure that's quite right. Other people do this all the time; people's spouses work while they finish their dissertations, trust funds allow for children of rich people to have a good time, etc. It's something about asking your friends that bothers people. Reaching out to those who already support you most is culturally problematic. Why? What is it going to take to overhaul the way we're doing business now, in the media industries, to create cultural situations where artists, journalists and authors can thrive? Crying endlessly about the demise and shunning potential for innovation is definitely not a good place to start.

    That's what I want to leave this discussion with: more of these ideas to throw something on the wall and see what sticks. Already, hundreds (thousands?) of people are doing it on Kickstarter for their books, films, records and more. How many other ways can we think of to open up the process of creation to more people? I'm tired of the same ol', same ol', and I know I'm not the only one.

  • February 15, 11:53 PM
  • February 14, 07:36 PM

    Wieseltier vs. Sullivan: A Question on the Trinity

    I haven't gotten into the whole contretemps between Andrew Sullivan and Leon Wieseltier because I haven't had time to read all of Wieseltier's opus and consider what I think of his criticisms of Sullivan. I have been disturbed at what seems to me Sullivan's gradual turning against Israel over the last year or so. But part of my thinking about him comes from how it is that he turned against the Bush Administration and the war in Iraq - not all of a sudden or reflexively, but after a lot of consideration. His long discussions about Abu Ghraib and torture had a big impact on my thinking about the Bush Administration, and contributed to my turning against them. I think he is coming from a deep concern with the morality/ethics of government action in democratic societies.

    I do wish that he was a bit more careful in his language about Israel, and I'm starting to think that he would benefit from actually going to Israel/Palestine and talking to people on the ground. He needs a deeper basis for his judgments than he has now.

    But one of the things that he objected to in Wieseltier's essay were the remarks that Wieseltier made about the Christian belief in the Trinity. Wieseltier's essay isn't particularly easy to get into - he starts off from what seems to be left-field, discussing a quote from W.H. Auden on the difficulty of explaining the Trinity to the readers of TNR (in 1944!). He then goes into a discussion of how difficult many Christian writers found it to give a rational explanation of the Trinity. He quotes Aquinas as saying, “It is impossible to attain to the knowledge of the Trinity by natural reason.” He refers then to the Church Fathers on the Trinity, and his own conclusion:
    "For this reason, he [Aquinas] asserted, “we must not attempt to prove what is of faith, except by authority alone, to those who receive the authority; while as regards others, it suffices to prove that what faith teaches is not impossible.” Indeed, the despair of explanation goes all the way back to the Fathers of the Church, who afflicted themselves with the most extraordinary mental contortions–hypostasis, ousia, and the rest–to make the idea of the Trinity seem plausible. They were right, finally, to call it a mystery.
    Wieseltier's judgment is that: "To regard a concept as a mystery may be a spiritual triumph, but it is an intellectual defeat." But is the debate about the Trinity really an intellectual one? I think that Aquinas' assertion that natural reason will not lead one to an understanding of the Trinity makes sense - it is a foundation of Christian faith, not a philosophical proposition.

    And then Wieseltier writes about the Trinity, and this is what Sullivan most objected to:
    The idea of plurality in the deity, like the idea of corporeality in the deity (Auden would not have had an easier time with the Incarnation!), represents nothing less than a retraction of the monotheistic revolution in thinking about God, a reversal of God’s sublimity, a regress to polytheistic crudity. It is completely inconsistent with everything that my mind instructs me to believe about God’s essence. (I leave aside what my mind instructs me to believe about God’s existence. We are in the realm of theology here, not the realm of philosophy.)

    Of course, my stiff-necked opinion about this central tenet of the Christian faith is not only rational, it is also Jewish. The electrifying history of Jewish-Christian disputations in the Middle Ages amply documents the scrupulously argued Jewish refusal to entertain anything but a perfect unity in the conception of God. In the words of an early modern Jewish writer, whose polemical work survives in an unattributed Hebrew manuscript at the Jewish Theological Seminary, “I do not understand this and you will not be able to explain it to me.” That is not a report of a prejudice. It is a report of a view with rationally defensible grounds. The respect one must have for believers one need not have for beliefs.

    Wieseltier's argument here boils down to saying that Jews do not agree with the Christian belief in the Trinity because it is not rationally defensible. Again, are Christians required to make a rational explanation for the Trinity that would satisfy nonbelievers? I don't think so - all religions have beliefs and practices that really cannot stand up to rational scrutiny (Dawkins and Hitchens have exploited the irrational in religion quite to their benefit in their books). Jews have beliefs that cannot stand up to rational scrutiny, for example the belief that the universal God who created the entire universe decided to make a covenant with one particular group of people on Earth, the Jews.

    I also think there are other problems with Wieseltier's argument. Is he saying that all polytheism is "crude"? Would Hinduism then be a "crude" religion? If he's going to make this assertion, I think he needs to learn more about what polytheistic religions really are about. He doesn't have to agree with them to come to a better understanding of them. His remarks seem to be very close to the "satire of idols" as found in many of the prophets of the Bible - who were in fact mocking the polytheistic beliefs of their neighbors, without seeming to understand them very well.

    And finally, on this point, I think that certain types of Judaism are open to exactly the same criticism. Kabbalah teaches that the unknowable Godhead (Ein Sof) revealed Itself through the emanation of ten Sefirot (divine potencies), which are co-existent with Ein Sof (in other words, they are not the instruments of Ein Sof, but partake in its essence). When I first studied early Christianity and tried to understand the Trinity, I had a great deal of trouble getting my mind around it - I remember telling the teaching fellow for the course that I just couldn't understand it because I was Jewish. When I began to study Kabbalah and read the Zohar (the key text of medieval Kabbalah), somehow the Christian idea of the Trinity began to make more sense to me. I wonder what Wieseltier would say about Kabbalah.

    To turn to Sullivan's reply to Wieseltier's comments on the Trinity:
    Leon is describing the central tenets of the Christian faith - the divinity of Jesus and the Triune God - as a step backward for religious thinking. He is dismissing as stupid and backward the Incarnation. He goes so far as to insult it by decrying it as a regress to polytheism. And not just polytheism but crude polytheism.

    I am not one to take offense at such things. My own faith can withstand the cheap pot-shots of others. But can you imagine if Wieseltier came across a Muslim or a Christian making similar derogatory and condescending and cheap remarks about Judaism? As crude? A form of religious regression?

    I acknowledge that the belief in the Trinity is a central tenet of Christianity - but for that reason are non-Christians supposed to respect it? From the Jewish point of view the Christian beliefs in the divinity of Jesus, the incarnation, and the Trinity are wrong. I don't believe in them, although I try to understand what Christians believe about them. (And I don't feel any impulse to call them a step backwards in religious thinking - although I think that many Jews would agree with Wieseltier on this point).

    I wonder if Sullivan here is suffering somewhat from the assumption that of course everyone should respect what Christians believe because we live in a Christian culture. I don't think he would say this consciously, given all of his attacks upon what he calls "Christianism." But he does seem to give Christianity a privileged status as a religion that he doesn't give to other religions. (Again, not consciously).

    In this realm, as David Schraub writes, Sullivan is writing "from an (along this axis) empowered class." In other words, Sullivan is demanding respect for Christianity as a religion from Jews who have been oppressed by Christians for about nineteen hundred years on religious grounds. Historically speaking, Vatican II and other Christian attempts to reconcile with Jews are very recent.

    Wieseltier then writes in reply to Sullivan's reply:
    Sullivan concludes with a ringing question: “Can you imagine if Wieseltier came across a Muslim or a Christian making similar remarks about Judaism? As crude? A form of religious regression?” He thinks he knows the answer to this question. So I want to be clear. There is no need to imagine me coming across people who think that some of the most foundational convictions of Judaism--God, creation, the splitting of the Red Sea and all the other miracles, the cosmos of reward and punishment--the whole supernatural apparatus of my religion--is nonsense. I have met such people and some of them are my friends. If their objections are thoughtful, then there is nothing “derogatory and condescending and cheap” about them.
    I would have to agree with Wieseltier here. Members of my own family don't understand my religious beliefs - I don't have to go very far to meet with amazement that I could believe in such silly things.

    Sullivan's latest post on this argument, The Trinity, is mostly a quote from a reader, whom he seems to agree with.

    The reader writes:
    It's downright evil to excuse saying terrible things about other people's faiths, especially when the things you are saying misconstrue what those people themselves believe about their own religion. It would be one thing if Leon Wieseltier laid out the doctrine of the Trinity fairly and charitably and then argued against it. But that is simply something he has not done....

    And it's okay to derogate this as crude because his objections are somehow "thoughtful," and acting as if he would respect similar ridicule from another provided that ridicule was "thoughtful?" Would he acknowledge any such assault on Judaism as "thoughtful?" If he says yes, here's a hint: even he knows he's lying.
    It's evil for Wieseltier to argue that the Christian belief in the Trinity is polytheistic? Is Wieseltier really under any obligation to lay out the doctrine of the Trinity fairly? It would certainly make the argument more civil, but I don't see that he's required to be polite (nor is Sullivan, for that matter).

    The writer here is a graduate student at the University of Chicago and a Christian, and says that,
    I've spent my entire life as a Christian trying to find and quarantine aspects of the Christian tradition that have held up Christianity as a progressive religion that renders "backward" peoples only to have Leon Wieseltier come along and decide it's high time Judaism's conception of monotheism started taking up the slack
    I'm not sure what I think about this argument. On the one hand, I am happy that he is trying to disown this part of the Christian tradition, which was certainly part of the project of colonialism of many European countries from the 15th century onwards. On the other hand, Judaism, unlike Christianity, has not been a proselytizing religion since the first couple of centuries CE, due to Jewish powerlessness in the face of Christianity and Islam, so Jews were not part of the European colonial project in this sense. I think that all of us should cultivate a humble attitude towards making assertions that our particular religion is true above all others.

    I thought that I was going to write a short post on whether we are required to show respect for other people's religious beliefs - I find that I have written a long post. I don't think I've answered my question, but I hope I've given my readers some food for thought.
  • February 13, 06:54 PM

    A new Buzz start-up experience based on your feedback



    We've heard your feedback loud and clear, and since we launched Google Buzz four days ago, we've been working around the clock to address the concerns you've raised. Today, we wanted to let you know about a number of changes we'll be making over the next few days based on all the feedback we've received.

    First, auto-following. With Google Buzz, we wanted to make the getting started experience as quick and easy as possible, so that you wouldn't have to manually peck out your social network from scratch. However, many people just wanted to check out Buzz and see if it would be useful to them, and were not happy that they were already set up to follow people. This created a great deal of concern and led people to think that Buzz had automatically displayed the people they were following to the world before they created a profile.

    On Thursday, after hearing that people thought the checkbox for choosing not to display this information publicly was too hard to find, we made this option more prominent. But that was clearly not enough. So starting this week, instead of an auto-follow model in which Buzz automatically sets you up to follow the people you email and chat with most, we're moving to an auto-suggest model. You won't be set up to follow anyone until you have reviewed the suggestions and clicked "Follow selected people and start using Buzz."



    For the tens of millions of you who have already started using Buzz, over the next couple weeks we'll be showing you a similar version of this new start-up experience to give you a second chance to review and confirm the people you're following. If you want to review this list now, just go to the Buzz tab, click "Following XX people" and unfollow anyone you wish. If you don't want to share the lists of people who are following you and people you are following publicly on your profile, you can opt out at any time from the edit profile page.

    Second, Buzz will no longer connect your public Picasa Web Albums and Google Reader shared items automatically. Just to be clear: Buzz only automatically connected content that was already public, so if you had previously shared photos in an "Unlisted" album or set your Google Reader shared items as "Protected," no one except the people you'd explicitly allowed to see your stuff has been able to see it. But due to your feedback Buzz will no longer connect these sites automatically.

    Third, we're adding a Buzz tab to Gmail Settings. From there, you'll be able to hide Buzz from Gmail or disable it completely. In addition, there will be a link to these settings from the initial start-up page so you can easily decide from the get go that you don't want to use Buzz at all.



    It's been an exciting and challenging week for the Buzz team. We've been getting feedback via the Gmail help forums and emails from friends and family, and we've also been able to do something new: read the buzz about Buzz itself. We quickly realized that we didn't get everything quite right. We're very sorry for the concern we've caused and have been working hard ever since to improve things based on your feedback. We'll continue to do so.

    Update (2/18): These changes are now live with the exception of the similar version of the start-up experience for those of you who are already using Buzz.
  • February 12, 01:28 AM
  • February 10, 02:55 PM

    Future of Reading

    10 media and tech luminaries on the future of reading, I’m number 10. Also includes Jimmy Wales, Marc Andreessen, Jeff Jarvis, and Kevin Rose.

  • February 10, 12:29 PM

    “Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment by the United States Authorities” … BEFORE the Bybee Memo

    As Bill Egnor has reported (and Jim White mentioned here) a court in the UK has forced the government to release a passage of an earlier court ruling that it had fought to suppress. Assuming the passage has been released in complete form, the key passage concludes that the sleep deprivation that Americans subjected Binyam Mohamed to while held incommunicado in Pakistan was “at the very least cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by the United States authorities.”

    Now, this revelation is critical not just because it shows British Courts concluding that, at the very least, the United States violated the Convention Against Torture. As Jim White notes in his diary on this, the US is now obligated by the Convention Against Torture to investigate this act.

    But note two details of the passage.

    It was reported that a new series of interviews was conducted by the United States authorities prior to 17 May 2002 as part of a new strategy designed by an expert interviewer. [my emphasis]

    Mohamed was subjected to sleep deprivation, the British Government tells us, more than 75 days before the Bybee Two memo authorized such treatment.

    And that abuse was inflicted by “an expert interviewer” implementing “a new strategy.”

    That “expert interviewer” and that “new strategy” almost certainly were associated with Mitchell and Jessen, who were at that moment pitching using their “new strategy” with Abu Zubaydah.

    So this is not just proof that the US was engaging in torture before they got their CYA memo authorizing such torture. But it was proof that they were using Mohamed, in addition to Abu Zubaydah, as guinea pigs to test out that torture.

    This proves the entire myth told to explain the torture memos (and Abu Zubaydah’s treatment) to be a lie.

    Updated with link to Jim White’s diary.

  • February 09, 07:00 AM
  • February 09, 06:58 AM
  • February 09, 06:53 AM
  • February 06, 10:58 PM

    Hate Crimes - FBI report for 2008

    The annual FBI report on hate crimes for 2008 has been posted to the FBI website, and once again it is interesting to see what the most common hate crimes were (among those reported to law enforcement agencies, which certainly doesn't include all hate crimes committed in the U.S. in 2008).

    The FBI reports:

    Of the 7,780 single-bias incidents reported in 2008:
    • 51.3 percent were racially motivated.
    • 19.5 percent were motivated by religious bias.
    • 16.7 percent stemmed from sexual-orientation bias.
    • 11.5 percent resulted from ethnicity/national origin bias.
    • 1.0 percent were motivated by disability bias.
    Of hate crimes motivated by race (total 4,704), 3,413 were motivated by anti-Black prejudice (72.5% of the total). This means that 37% of all hate crimes reported were motivated by anti-Black prejudice. The percentage of the American population which is African-American is about 12%.

    Hate crimes motivated by bias against people of a particular religious group break down as follows:
    There were 1,606 hate crime offenses motivated by religious bias in 2008. A breakdown of these offenses shows:
    • 65.7 percent were anti-Jewish.
    • 13.2 percent were anti-other religion.
    • 7.7 percent were anti-Islamic.
    • 4.7 percent were anti-Catholic.
    • 4.2 percent were anti-multiple religions, group.
    • 3.7 percent were anti-Protestant.
    • 0.9 percent were anti-Atheism/Agnosticism/etc.
    Therefore, 12.8% of all hate crimes were motivated by anti-Jewish prejudice and 1.5% of all hate crimes were motivated by anti-Muslim prejudice. I wonder what the "other religion" category includes. Jews are about 2% of the American population, while Muslims are less than that (when I looked this up a couple of years ago, the best figure I could come up with was about 2 million Muslims in the U.S. - claims that there are up to 6 million Muslims in the U.S. do not seem supportable by the evidence).

    If we break down the statistics by type of crime, it's also interesting. Fortunately, in 2008, there were no reported murders on the basis of religion, and one rape.

    For the remaining crimes against persons, these are the statistics:

    Aggravated assault - total crimes 47
    • anti-Jewish: 25 (53%)
    • anti-Catholic: 1 (2.1%)
    • anti-Protestant: 3 (6.3%)
    • anti-Islamic: 5 (10.6%)
    • anti-atheist or agnostic: 1 (2.1%)
    (the rest were against either "other religion" or "multiple religions")

    Simple assault - total crimes 114
    • anti-Jewish:58 (50.8%)
    • anti-Catholic: 3 (2.6%)
    • anti-Protestant: 3 (2.6%)
    • anti-Islamic: 30 (26%)
    • anti-atheist or agnostic: 1
    (the rest were against either "other religion" or "multiple religions")

    Intimidation - total crimes 311
    • anti-Jewish: 201 (64.6%)
    • anti-Catholic: 3
    • anti-Protestant: 1
    • anti-Islamic: 46 (14.7%)
    • anti-atheist or agnostic: 0
    (the rest were against either "other religion" or "multiple religions")

    Statistics for crimes against property:

    Lumping together robbery, burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft - total crimes 83
    • anti-Jewish: 23 (27%)
    • anti-Catholic: 12 (14%)
    • anti-Protestant: 8 (9.6%)
    • anti-Islamic: 5 (6%)
    • anti-atheist or agnostic: 5 (6%)
    (the rest were against either "other religion" or "multiple religions")

    Arson - total crimes 13
    • anti-Jewish: 4 (30.7%)
    • anti-Catholic: 0
    • anti-Protestant: 2 (15%)
    • anti-Islamic: 5 (38%)
    • anti-atheist or agnostic: 0
    (the rest were against either "other religion" or "multiple religions")

    Destruction/damage/vandalism - total crimes 1029
    • anti-Jewish: 742 (72%)
    • anti-Catholic: 0
    • anti-Protestant: 2 (15%)
    • anti-Islamic: 5 (38%)
    • anti-atheist or agnostic: 0
    (the rest were against either "other religion" or "multiple religions")

    Even though, according to polls, there is more prejudice against Muslims in American society (for example, the percentage of Americans who would not vote for a Muslim for President is far higher than the percentage who would not vote for a Jew), there are more actual crimes committed against Jews based on anti-Jewish prejudice.

    The total number of victims of hate crimes in 2008 were reported as 9,683 (single-bias incidents). They included (among others):
    3,596 Blacks (37%)
    1,145 Jews (11.8%)
    1,672 gay men, lesbians, or bisexuals (17.2%)
    792 Hispanics (8%)

    This means, just as I said in 2007, "From these statistics, we can see that the hatreds rampant in the United States are really the old tried and true ones - anti-black racism, anti-semitism, homophobia, and anti-immigrant sentiments."
  • February 06, 10:51 AM

    Danny Glover on Sam Cooke

    I love what Danny Glover says here about how young people use music to create meaning and identity.

    This documentary, Crossing Over, is especially valuable for its recollections by Lou Rawls, James Brown and Billy Preston, all of whom are gone.

  • February 04, 12:03 AM

    Black History, Memorandum

    Whenever Black History is mentioned in everyday conversation, on television, or in a newspaper or magazine — history is reminisced to the familiar tune of King Jr having a dream, Parks at the front of the bus, and X by any means necessary.

    Black History, however, goes far beyond the names of those we learn during our childhood and it goes far beyond the struggle of Blacks that has been watered down into made for television movies on BET.

    History is a narrative. A story of acts, ideas, or events that will or can shape the course of the future; and there are so many stories in Black History that have yet to truly be shared.

    While doing research for a journal article, I discovered a narrative about the 25th Infantry Bicycle Corps; the original Buffalo Soldiers. From Fort Missoula, Montana (a place familiar to me as it is home to my friends at Freeman Transport) — the 25th made history by simply riding a bicycle.

    Written as a memorandum, my recent contribution to the Freeman blog takes a brief look into how the men of the 25th Infantry Bicycle Corps rode into Black History with the turn of their pedals.

  • February 02, 06:20 AM

    Twitter Asks Users To Reset Passwords After Possible Phishing Attack

    Twitter is locking many users out of the system this morning, and sending them notices that they need to change their passwords in order to regain access to the service, due to concerns over a possible phishing attack.

    While some people are worried that the e-mails might have actually been a phishing attack, there’s a flood of tweets from users having received the same message after effectively getting denied access to their accounts, so this seems 100% legit.

    The message, copied here by a blogger, reads:

    Due to concern that your account may have been compromised in a phishing attack that took place off-Twitter, your password was reset. Please create a new password by opening this link in your browser:
    [PASSWORD RESET LINK].

    The message adds:

    As a reminder, you should be extraordinarily suspicious of any third party that offers to artificially inflate your follower count. We do not endorse any of these sites.

    We’ve contacted Twitter for more information, but for now it may be wise to change your password regardless of whether you’ve received this e-mail or not.

    Just yesterday, Sophos published a report that showed social networking services like Facebook and Twitter are increasingly being targeted in cybercrime attacks.

    (Hat tip to Marjolein Hoekstra)


  • February 01, 07:28 AM
  • January 28, 02:57 PM
  • January 24, 08:58 PM
  • January 24, 12:27 PM
  • January 21, 07:08 AM
  • January 21, 02:22 AM
  • January 20, 08:54 AM
  • January 13, 03:01 PM

    Swipe to Start Voice Input on Android

    A new-to-me Android 2.1 shortcut: if you want to use voice input without hunting down the microphone button on the keyboard, swipe your fingertip across the entire keyboard to start it instead. Start at 0:25 into the video to see it in action.

  • January 13, 02:45 PM

    Four possible explanations for Google’s big China move

    Yesterday, Google announced a major change in their policy in engaging with China – they will no longer censor search results on Google.cn to comply with Chinese policy. This almost certainly means that Google.cn will be blocked by the Great Firewall and that Google will no longer be able to operate in China.

    While this aspect of Google’s announcement is sparking a great deal of conversation online, it comes at the end of a bombshell of an announcement – Google’s decision follows what appears to be a coordinated act of espionage aimed at its servers by Chinese attackers. The attack resulted, Google reports, in a theft of their intellectual property. They also report that a goal of the attack was to access the GMail accounts of Chinese human rights activists and supporters of Chinese human rights around the world. MacWorld reports that the attack targeted an internal system that Google had built to comply with search warrant requests for information on users. When it became clear that this internal system – evidently set up for the benefit of Chinese authorities – was being attacked and used to compromise Google’s internal networks, Google began discussions about disengaging from the world’s largest internet market.

    There’s at least four ways to read Google’s decision:

    Google decided to stop being evil.
    Google has received reams of bad press from their decision to comply with Chinese government regulations and censor search results for Chinese users. It’s never been entirely clear to me why Google’s received more criticism than Microsoft – who admit they censored Chinese bloggers, and whose Chinese-language tools prevent posting of articles about human rights and democracy – or Yahoo, who turned over information on user Shi Tao to Chinese authorities that led to ten years imprisonment for “leaking state secrets”. I suspect we want to hold Google to a higher standard because they’ve put forth an informal motto: “Don’t be evil”, and compromising with the Chinese government looks like a violation of that stance.

    Google’s taken steps to minimize the exposure of user data in China – services like Gmail, which contain sensitive personal data, or which permit publishing, like Blogger, are hosted in the US, not China. (This has made it harder for these tools to achieve market share against Chinese competitiors.) They censored in a more transparent fashion than some of their competitors, displaying a message at the bottom of each page, stating that sites had been removed from the results to comply with regulations. Google is a founding member of the Global Network Initiative, a partnership between industry, academia and the nonprofit community designed to develop best practices for engaging in closed societies like China.

    In my opinion – shaped, no doubt, by the fact that I’ve got a lot of friends within Google and have worked closely with the company in a couple of contexts – Google was a lot less evil than some of its competitors. But continued involvement in China continued to be a thorn in the side of Google on the PR front, and I know many people within the company questioned whether engaging in China was worth the compromises it entailed. The move to leave the Chinese market may be an example of Google returning to its core values and demonstrating an unwillingness to compromise.

    Google retreated from a very tough market.
    Google wasn’t doing all that well in the Chinese search market – they were a distant second to Baidu, and faced extreme challenges in gaining market share. Google’s main properties – google.com and related sites – are frequently inaccesible through the Great Firewall, and Google’s Chinese site – google.cn – was subject to a great deal of scrutiny from the Chinese press and from regulators. CCTV ran an “exposé” on Google.cn, demonstrating – horror of horrors! – that the internet includes links to pornography – this story led to increased oversight of Google’s Chinese site. Friends within Google tell me that it was a constant struggle to respond to complaints from Chinese regulators, and that they believed competitors like Baidu were reporting Google’s alleged violations to regulators, increasing scrutiny on the company.

    The situation within Google China was already quite complicated. Kai-Fu Lee, Google’s China chief, quit in September, giving no clear reasons for his departure. His departure started speculation that Google might be discovering that they couldn’t be competitive in a Chinese market without making even larger compromises to corporate ideals.

    It’s hard to imagine Google walking away from a market as potentially lucrative as China, even if they were in a tough battle for second place. And they certainly didn’t walk away quietly. By (obliquely) accusing the Chinese government of involvement in corporate espionage and challenging the government to shut the company down for providing uncensored search, “Google has taken the China corporate communications playbook, wrapped it in oily rags, doused it in gasoline and dropped a lit match on it.” (Those evocative words are from top Chinablogger Imagethief.) This isn’t a temporary strategic retreat – this is a retreat where you detonate the bridges behind you.

    Google abandoned Chinese users.
    Despite its second place in the market behind Baidu, there are millions of dedicated Google users in China, and many of them are deeply disappointed today and worried about losing access to services they’ve grown to depend on. Reading their comments in translation on Global Voices, thanks to Bob Chen, it’s clear the frustration is less with Google than with the Chinese authorities. One translated tweet is especially poignant:

    The sin of facebook is that it helps people know who they wanna know. The sin of Twitter is that it allows people to say what they wanna say. The sin of Google is that it lets people find what they wanna find, and Youtube let us see what we wanna see. So, they are all kicked away.

    Bob also shares a joke about China in the years after Google’s departure:

    People born in 90s: Today I stepped out of the Great Firewall and saw a foreign website named Google. Shit, it is all but a copy of Baidu.
    Born in 00s: What do you mean by stepping out of Great Firewall?
    Born in 10s: What do you mean by website?
    Born in 20s: What is “foreign”?

    Perhaps most striking is a campaign to lay flowers in front of Google’s headquarters in Beijing. Rebecca MacKinnon reports that Tsinghua University’s security department has banned students from taking flowers to Google headquarters without permission.

    (Here’s a sympathetic view of Google’s decision to pull out from Chinese activist Michael Anti, who’s been censored in the past by Microsoft.)

    Google is about to join the front lines of the anticensorship wars.
    Hal Roberts, John Palfrey and I published a study of tools designed to subvert and circumvent internet censorship a few months back, based on research we conducted over the course of three years. In the course of that research, we ended up with a simple realization about the design of censorship circumvention software:

    A robust anti-censorship system has, at minimum, three components:
    - Lots of non-contiguous IP addresses, making it difficult for censors to block the entry points into the system
    - Huge amounts of bandwidth that can access the public internet, as a censorship circumvention system is basically an ISP
    - Multiple methods to feed fresh IP addresses to your users

    This isn’t a complete definition, of course – good anticensorship systems use SSL encryption to prevent keyword blocking, but that’s a solved problem. The three components above tend to be very hard for small anti-circumvention projects to solve. It’s very hard to obtain lots and lots of IP addresses, and very expensive to provision sufficient bandwidth… unless you’re Google, in which case, these obstacles should be trivial. There’s still lots of work that needs to be done ensuring that users of circumvention systems get fresh IP addresses, but a Google-backed anticensorship system (perhaps operated in conjunction with some of the smart activists and engineers who’ve targeted censorship in Iran and China?) would be massively more powerful (and threatening!) than the systems we know about today.

    These tools would have a built-in market – the millions of users who were enjoying Google’s tools from within China – and could radically change the landscape of the internet freedom field. An emphasis on internet freedom tools would allow Google to engage with a smaller Chinese market, but would allow them to maintain a toe in the waters while maintaining a stance of disengagement with the Chinese government.

    Is Google going to do this? I have no idea. I hope so. They could have done so previously, but it would have been viewed as a shot across China’s bow. Now that they’ve launched a torpedo, that shot across the bow seems more likely.

    At Global Voices, we were thrilled that Google chose to partner with us and Thompson/Reuters in offering the Breaking Borders Award “to honor outstanding web projects initiated by individuals or groups that demonstrate courage, energy and resourcefulness in using the Internet to promote freedom of expression.” It would be very exciting to see Google becoming one of those groups using their energy, resourcefulness and resources to combat censorship online… and it would certainly take some corporate courage on their part.

    We’ll know a lot more about what Google’s doing in the next few days. Responses are already piling up online. Evgeny thinks Google is bluffing, or simply retreating from an unsuccesful market position. Jonathan Zittrain sees this as a masterstroke, aligning Google’s business with its values, and shares my hope that Google will dedicate major resources to censorship circumvention. Dharmishta Rood links to a bevy of reactions from around the web. I’m anxiously awaiting Rebecca’s analysis, which she promises when she finishes two other articles that are due. (Man, I know that feeling.)

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  • January 13, 02:30 PM

    More Trouble in Tea Land

    "I can't even describe to you the anger we had with him, using our volunteer labor and our passion for the movement to build his start-up."

    That's what top Tea Party activist Kevin Smith tells TPMMuckraker about Judson Phillips, the guy behind the upcoming Tea Party Nation convention down in Nashville where Sarah Palin has accepted a big dollar fee to speak is scheduled to speak.

    Late Update: Palin had initially agreed to speak for what was reportedly a big fee. But just last night she said she will not profit personally from the appearance. So she's apparently backed off on accepting the big dollar pay day, presumably in the face of the controversy it generated.